Spectatorship and the war on terror:creating consensus through global audiences

This paper considers the staging of violence, atrocities, and sexuality in the conduct of the war on terror. The piece discusses the manner in which the terms of the war on terror appear to shut down possible debate and examines the rhetorical and representational strategies that cause this. The paper argues that the war on terror includes a cultural project that seeks to create a consenting global audience. This cultural project appears more diffuse and less immediately instrumental than the military and diplomatic activities of this global battle. The piece argues that it is through the circulation of open secrets and accounts of torture and abuse that a global audience is constructed as both witness and participant in the practices and objectives of the war and that this positioning is designed to corral audience understanding into the suggested narratives of the proponents of the war. Este documento considera el escenario de la violencia, las atrocidades y la sexualidad en la conducta de la guerra contra el terror. El artículo plantea la manera en que los términos de la guerra contra el terror parecen suspender un posible debate y examina las estrategias retóricas y representativas que causaron esto. El documento plantea que la guerra contra el terror incluye un proyecto cultural que busca crear una audiencia global de común acuerdo. Este proyecto cultural parece más difuso y menos útil en el momento, que las actividades militares y diplomáticas de esta batalla global. El artículo sostiene que es mediante la circulación de secretos abiertos y de informes sobre la tortura y el abuso, que se forma una audiencia global tanto testigos como participantes de las prácticas y los objetivos de la guerra y que esa posición está designada a encerrar el conocimiento de la audiencia dentro de los relatos sugeridos por los proponentes de guerra.

Entre el terror y la irrealidad: La narrativa poetica postmoderna de Reinaldo Arenas

This study focuses on the works of Cuban writer Reinaldo Arenas, one of the most prolific and controversial Latin American authors in the second half of the twentieth century. First, I propose Arenas as the creator of the Cuban revolutionary novel (a term coined by critics when referring to the narrative written after the revolution), within the scope of postmodern historiographic metafiction and against the trend of the official revolutionary novel promoted by the political establishment. Through the analysis of the five novels of the pentagony and other texts, my study follows the tragic journey of the antihero protagonist, from adolescence into adulthood, registering the correlation between his existential crisis and the narrative historical discourse. Contemporary Cuba from 1959 onwards—the historical-political circumstances that afflicted and overwhelmed him the most—becomes the point of reference to deconstruct reality and reaffirm the existence of a “self” threatened by the violence of a totalitarian discourse. Out of the fragments of this reality, Arenas undertook a radical reconstruction in which he inverted and questioned every inherited cultural value, as well as the power structures. Within this context, Arenas projects what I call “the Cuban hideous unreal”, an ontological and literary vision antagonistic to the carpentirean concept of the American “marvelous real”. ^ Despite the ostracism Reinaldo Arenas suffered for ten years, this study shows how he established through his work a meditative dialogue with himself and the common man. This perspective formulates a permanent literary and philosophic reflection with thinkers and writers of his country and the West, as the basis for a rejection of the Cuban reality. The resultant interdisciplinary and postmodern dialogue constitutes one of the most significant and distinctive contributions of his work. ^

“Justice will be made“ Bush e o discurso construtor das guerras contra o terror

This work was built aiming to present how they built the speech of the presidential administration of George W. Bush to engender the Wars on Terror. Through an analysis of sources, magazines, newspapers and official speeches of the President; construct a survey that shows the process of development discourse of the U.S. government in order to make credible to the world the existence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. To accomplish this feat, the first attempts to deconstruct the work that would be the terrorist and their actions against the hegemonic governments, and perform an important discussion with the theme of the story of the present time and the need for a search like this nowadays. To deconstruct the idea of being a terrorist present as President George W. Bush uses the attacks of September 11th and fear as tools to build a war with a real intentionality toward the conquest of Iraqi oil and finish a task that his father, George H. Bush had left unfinished.

British torture in the 'war on terror'

Despite longstanding allegations of UK involvement in prisoner abuse during counterterrorism operations as part of the US-led ‘war on terror’, a consistent narrative emanating from British government officials is that Britain neither uses, condones nor facilitates torture or other cruel, inhuman, degrading treatment and punishment. We argue that such denials are untenable. We have established beyond reasonable doubt that Britain has been deeply involved in post-9/11 prisoner abuse, and we can now provide the most detailed account to date of the depth of this involvement. We argue that it is possible to identify a peculiarly British approach to torture in the ‘war on terror’, which is particularly well-suited to sustaining a narrative of denial. To explain the nature of UK involvement, we argue that it can be best understood within the context of how law and sovereign power have come to operate during the ‘war on terror’. We turn here to the work of Judith Butler, and explore the role of Britain as a ‘petty sovereign’, operating under the state of exception established by the US Executive. UK authorities have not themselves suspended the rule of law so overtly, and indeed have repeatedly insisted on their commitment to it. They have nevertheless been able to construct a rhetorical, legal and policy ‘scaffold’ that has enabled them to demonstrate at least procedural adherence to human rights norms, while at the same time allowing UK officials to acquiesce in the arbitrary exercise of sovereignty over individuals who are denied any access to appropriate representation or redress in compliance with the rule of law.

The Approach to Daesh in Tunisia: From Bardo to Ben Gardane, aYear of Terror

Starting from a descriptive analysis of the main attacks by Daesh in Tunisia, this article examines the nature and evolution of the terrorist organization in this North African country. Thus, it examines the characteristics and vicissitudes of the attack on the Bardo Museum in March 2015, the attack on the Susa beach in June 2015, the bombing of the Presidential Guard in November 2015 and, finally, the military offensive against the town of Ben Gardane in March 2016. In addition, it presents some previous facts that are relevant in this research, such as the important presence of Tunisian foreign fighters in Syria or Libya, and, in particular, the threat of Daesh in Libya to the Tunisian State

Clássicos do terror como proposta de letramento literário: Machado e Stevenson em sala de aula

Acompanha: Da crueldade à duplicidade da alma humana: sequência expandida a partir de clássicos do terror

El terror en los orígenes del totalitarismo y la política de la muerte

Con Los orígenes del totalitarismo Hannah Arendt propuso identificar el mal radical que los regímenes totalitarios efectuaron durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. La política de la muerte de Hit­ler y Stalin llegó a ser un flagelo hacia la humanidad y causó una gran intimidación que no escatimó la violencia y la aniquila­ción total de sus opositores. La política de la muerte significa no solo exterminar la vida desde un aspecto físico sino también desde un aspecto político, demostrando la capacidad de aislar al ser humano de su espontaneidad en la esfera pública y de su innegable pluralidad en los asuntos humanos. Las ideologías políticas que antecedieron a los regímenes totalitarios influyeron en la constitución de los partidos nacionalsocialista y bolchevismo, basando su discurso y ejecución mediante aconteci­mientos históricos que no fueron ajenos a su erección. La política de la muerte fue la determinación de todo un aparato estatal para acabar con la diversidad de los hom­bres y sumergirlos en la política macabra de los regímenes totalitarios, una política basada en la muerte.

Campo de Terezin: o sonho como resistência

Reflexão sobre “O Campo de Terezin”, de Ecléa Bosi, mostrando uma área de confinamento de judeus com contornos especiais. Erigido para abrigar pessoas notáveis, como cientistas, heróis de guerra e artistas, ganhou feições de uma cidade exuberante, para quem de fora vinha lhe visitar, sobretudo nas artes e nos esportes. Internamente, administrava-se o terror da definição de quem iria ser escolhido para sobreviver ou para morrer. Ler o texto é como sentir o pulsar da vida em seus encantos - a música, a vibração, a alegria - mas, fundamentalmente, experimentar seus horrores: a dor, o silêncio e a morte. Não é possível percorrer estas páginas sem perder o fôlego e partilhar com a autora a aflição dos seus atores.

Terrorism as war by other means: national security and state support for terrorism

The conventional approach in the discipline of International Relations is to treat terrorist organizations as "non-state" actors of international relations. However, this approach is problematic due to the fact that most terrorist organizations are backed or exploited by some states. In this article, I take issue with the non-stateness of terrorist organizations and seek to answer the question of why so many states, at times, support terrorist organizations. I argue that in the face of rising threats to national security in an age of devastating wars, modern nation states tend to provide support to foreign terrorist organizations that work against their present and imminent enemies. I elaborate on my argument studying three cases of state support for terrorism: Iranian support for Hamas, Syrian support for the PKK, and American support for the MEK. The analyses suggest that, for many states, terror is nothing but war by other means.

Economic sanctions and human rights: an analysis of competing enforcement strategies in Latin America

This article addresses the consequences of economic sanctions for the protection of human rights in Latin America. The literature on sanctions and compliance informs three hypotheses, which investigate the relationship between sanctions and the level of rights protection in two groups of countries: those that were targeted by sanctions and those that were not. Using data from the Political Terror Scale (PTS) and from Freedom House, I find empirical evidence that sanctions do improve the level of protection in countries that were not targeted. This finding can be explained by the deterrent effect attributed to sanctions by the compliance literature, broadly interpreted. The presence of economic sanctions in a given year increases the probability of observing better human rights practices by almost 50%. These results hold for the 12 Latin American countries that were not subject to economic sanctions for the period 1976-2004.

Culture, politics and identity: critical readings on gender in southeast Asia

Indian Journal of Gender Studies October 2012 vol. 19 no. 3 437-467

Mundos dentro de um mundo: representações interculturais na Polónia sob a influência nazi

Europa, 1939 A Alemanha, sob a influência do partido Alemão Nazi, deu início a um confronto que mudou a face do mundo. Inicialmente os seus países vizinhos Europeus, depois alguns mais distantes e até o continente Africano sentiram o seu poder e tremeram de medo. Medo, um sentimento tão poderoso que em pequenas quantidades, pode aguçar os sentidos mas que, em quantidades grandes, pode gerar pânico, suprimir o intelecto e até levar a negar aquilo que temos presente como verdades absolutas. A Europa era uma mistura de culturas; até os próprios países eram uma mistura de culturas. A Polónia era um desses países. Neste país, Polacos, Judeus, Ucranianos e Romanis viviam numa paz frágil mas duradora. Quando a II Guerra Mundial começou, as cidades polacas foram conquistadas uma após a outra e, uns após os outros, os seus cidadãos foram confinados à sua cidade para manter a ordem pública. Nesta época de incerteza e insegurança poderíamos pensar que todas estas culturas, diferentes nas suas fundações mas todas elas constituídas por seres humanos que respondem da mesma forma em situações desta natureza, sentir-se- iam na necessidade de se juntar, deixar de parte as suas diferenças e tentariam fazer tudo o que estivesse ao seu alcance para assegurar aquilo que é a necessidade básica de qualquer ser humano: sobreviver. A sobrevivência é o instinto mais básico atribuído ao ser humano. O medo de não ser capaz de sobreviver gerou algo que vai contra este tipo de certezas. Gerou ódio. Não ódio contra o inimigo comum mas sim uma cultura contra a outra. O exército Alemão Nazi foi implacável na sua marcha em busca do domínio total mas, em alguns casos, não foi ele apenas a face do terror. O exército Alemão Nazi conquistava e seguia em frente, a caminho da próxima conquista, deixando governos de fachada para manter a ordem. O medo e o terror eram gerados por outrém. Um verdadeiro choque de culturas cujo resultado foi um dos maiores derramamentos de sangue na história do mundo civilizado.

Uma leitura dos poemas inéditos de Vergílio Ferreira

Revista da Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, n.1(1980)