242 resultados para Leray, Anatole


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Mode of access: Internet.

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Las sibilas del bulevar.--La Bohemia en el teatro.--Los poetas nuevos.--Una actriz como hay pocas.--La moda y la estética.--En casa de Anatole France.--La dulce Thais.--La psicología del viajero.--La apoteosis de Mistral.--Una demoniaca.--La pasión de las monstruos.--El amor en el teatro.--El dinero y el arte.--Clemenceau.--Briand.--Ingenuas, coquetas y dramas trágicas.--El principe de la crítica.--Los crímenes pasionales.

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"Publication de la Société éduenne".

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Thesis (doctoral)--Universite de Fribourg (Suisse).

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v. 1-3, "Farces.--Moralites.--Sotties Sermons Joyeux.--Mysteres du XVI siecle." v. 4. L'Eugene; Cleopatre; Didon, par Estienne Jodelle.-- Les Esbahis par Jacques Grevin.--La Reconnue, par Remy Belleau.--v. 5. Le Laquais; Les Esprits; La Veive; Le Morfondu par Pierre de Larivey.-- v. 6. Les Jaloux; Les Escolliers; La Constance; Le Fidelle, par Pierre de Larivey.--v. 7. Les Tromperies, par Pierre de Larivey.--Les Contens, par Odet de Tournebu.--Les Neapolitaines, par Francois d'Amboise.--Les Desguisez, par Jean Godard.--La Nouvelle, par Le Capitaine Lasphrise.-- v. 8. Tyr et sidon, par Jean de Schelandre.--Les Corrivaux, par Pierre Troterel.--L'Impuissance, par Sieur de Veronneau.--Alizon, par L. C. Discret.--v. 9. Des Proverbes, par Adrien de Montlue.--La Comedie de Chansons.--La Comedie des Comedies, tr. par Rene Barry.--La Comedie des Comediens, par Sieur de Gougenot.--Le Galimatias, par Andre de Rosiers.--v. 10. Glossaire.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Edited by A. Baju.

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Let f : [0, 1] x R2 -> R be a function satisfying the Caxatheodory conditions and t(1 - t)e(t) epsilon L-1 (0, 1). Let a(i) epsilon R and xi(i) (0, 1) for i = 1,..., m - 2 where 0 < xi(1) < xi(2) < (...) < xi(m-2) < 1 - In this paper we study the existence of C[0, 1] solutions for the m-point boundary value problem [GRAPHICS] The proof of our main result is based on the Leray-Schauder continuation theorem.

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We investigate the structure of the positive solution set for nonlinear three-point boundary value problems of the form u('') + h(t) f(u) = 0, u(0) = 0, u(1) = lambdau(eta), where eta epsilon (0, 1) is given lambda epsilon (0, 1/n) is a parameter, f epsilon C ([0, infinity), [0, infinity)) satisfies f (s) > 0 for s > 0, and h epsilon C([0, 1], [0, infinity)) is not identically zero on any subinterval of [0, 1]. Our main results demonstrate the existence of continua of positive solutions of the above problem. (C) 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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At first glance, the nationalist ideology of the French Revolution seems to have had little impact on the Orthodox Church in Romanian-speaking territories. Romanians were the predominant inhabitants of the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia and the neighboring territories of Transylvania (including Crişana, Maramureş and Banat), Bukovina, Bessarabia, and Dobrudja. The majority of ethnic Romanians belonged to the Orthodox faith while their communities were at the intersection of geopo liti cal interests of the Rus sian, Ottoman, and Habsburg empires. In 1859 the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia (known as the Old Kingdom between 1866 and 1918) united into a single state under the rule of a local prince. The term "Romania" began to be used by the new state in its of cial documents in 1862. Two years later, the state supported the declaration of a Romanian autocephalous (in de pen dent) church that was recognized by the Ecumenical Patriarchate in 1885. As an integrative part of the Orthodox commonwealth, the church was situated between the competing jurisdictions of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Rus sian Orthodox Church, while its declaration of autocephaly followed a pattern in the spread of national churches in Southeastern Europe. From the Treaty of Kuchuk Kainardji of 1774 to the beginning of the Greek War for In de pen dence in 1821, the Romanian principalities were under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire, which had full control of their po liti cal and economic affairs. The sultan appointed princes, and the Porte determined their po liti cal and judicial status. The princes were drawn from the "Phanariots," and were directly appointed by the Porte from preponderantly Greek elite rather than the Romanian local elite, the boyars (boieri).1 In each principality, the church was headed by a metropolitan who was under the direct jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. That religion mattered to local population as a means of social cohesion was suggestively depicted by Anatole de Demidoff, an En glish traveler in the region in 1837. Arriving in Bucharest, the capital of Wallachia, he claimed that: I know of no city in Europe in which it is possible to find more agreeable society, or in which there is a better tone, united with the most charming gaiety⋯. Religion, which is here of the schismatic Greek creed, does not, properly speaking, hold any great empire over the minds of the Wallachian people, but they observe its outward forms, and particularly the austerities of fasting, with scrupulous exactitude. The people are seen to attend divine ser vice with every sign of respect, and the great number of churches existing in Wallachia, bear witness to the ardent zeal with which outward worship is honored.2 The Romanian Orthodox Church was a national institution, closely linked to social, economic, and po liti cal structures. In most cases, Orthodox hierarchs were appointed from the families of boyars, thus ensuring a close relationship with the state authorities and its policies. As one of the largest landowners in the principalities, the church had a prime role in administrating healthcare and education. Although the majority of the clergy was uneducated, it dispensed both ecclesiastical and civil justice and in many cases worked closely with boyars in local administration.3 The lower clergy not only contributed directly to the economy but also benefited from tax privileges. Some small villages had an unusually high proportion of clergy in comparison to the overall population. For example, in 1810, Stənisləveşti, a village in the south of Wallachia, was composed of eleven houses and had two priests, five deacons, and three cantors; similarly, the Frəsinet village of nineteen houses had two priests and five deacons.4 Although these cases were exceptional, they indicate both the economic value of being a member of the clergy and the wider canonical dimension of church jurisdiction. The special status of the clergy was reflected not only at lower but also at higher levels. Bishops and metropolitans engaged with state policy and in many cases opposition to the authorities led to the loss of a spiritual seat. The metropolitan of each principality worked with the prince and was president of the divan, the gathering of all boyars. He held the right to be the first person to comment on state policy and to make recommendations when the prince was absent. The metropolitan replaced the prince when the principality had no political ruler, such as in the cases of Metropolitan Veniamin Costachi of Moldavia in 1806 and Metropolitan Dositei Filitti of Wallachia, while the bishops of Buzəu and Argeş were members of the provisional government during the Rus sian occupation of the principalities in 1808. The higher clergy had both religious and political prerogatives in relation to foreign powers as evident in their heading of the boyars' delegation to peace negotiation between the Rus sian and Ottoman empires at Focşani in 1772 and addressing memoranda to the Austrian and Rus sian governments in 1802.5 The primary role of the church in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia was paralleled by the national mobilization of Orthodox communities in the neighboring territories that had Romanian inhabitants. Although throughout the region Orthodox communities were incorporated into church structures as part of the Habsburg, Austrian or Rus sian empires, the nineteenth century was characterized by the leadership's search for political autonomy and the building of a Romanian national identity. The Orthodox communities outside the Old Kingdom maintained relations with the faithful in principalities across the Carpathian Mountains and the Dniester River and sought support in their struggle for political and religious rights.

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2000 Mathematics Subject Classification: 35Lxx, 35Pxx, 81Uxx, 83Cxx.

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Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

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Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

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Les activités de la petite pêche et de la pêche côtière en Guyane ne sont pas encore assez bien organisées pour permettre un suivi rigoureux. On sait surtout qu'il s'agit d'une activité en baisse et le déclin amorcé au début des années 80 n'a fait que se confirmer dans les années récentes. Alors que le nombre de bateaux pratiquant de façon régulière la petite pêche avoisinait les 150 en 1985, en 1998, la flottille était réduite à 65 unités. Un chiffre fera mieux comprendre cette évolution: dans les années 80, il y a eu jusqu'à 12 tapouilles à Cayenne, alors qu'à la fin 1998, il en restait 4. On peut espérer qu'en 1999, 2 tapouilles supplémentaires et les 3 navires expérimentaux construits par la Région Guyane viendront s'ajouter à cette flottille et permettront d'améliorer le suivi des captures et de l'effort. La perspective du Marché d'Intérêt Régional abritant une criée stimulera le passage des captures sous la halle à marée et favorisera la tenue de statistiques de débarquements. L'activité de cette flottille est difficile à cerner, car seules les tapouilles dont les captures sont importantes en raison de la durée de leurs sorties peuvent donner lieu à des statistiques sinon précises du moins régulières dans le temps. Quelques doris et canots créoles sont également dans ce cas et ont permis des comparaisons inter flottilles. Pendant la période sèche, d'août à novembre, tous les bateaux sont actifs. Pendant la saison des pluies, de décembre à juillet, en raison de la houle, les tapouilles réduisent leurs sorties et la plupart des pirogues de mer et des canots créoles opèrent dans les estuaires.