996 resultados para Humayun, Emperor of Hindustan, 1508-1556.
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Recollections of the Empress Eugénie.--A fresh start and two portraits.--Two glimplses of Queen Victoria.--'Mount Music.'--An adventure in a train.--The quotation-fiend.--A winter of storm.--The opera fiasco.--An open secret.
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Red cancel drawn through the portraits.
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The emperor of our fatherland The changing national identity of the elite and the construction of the Finnish fatherland at the beginning of the autonomy This study addresses the question of changing national identity of the elite at the beginning of the autonomy (1808 1814) in Finland. Russia had conquered Finland from Sweden, but Finland was not incorporated into the Russian Empire. Instead, it was governed as separately administered area, and Finland retained its own (laws of the realm of Sweden) laws. The inclusion in the Russian Empire compelled the elite of Finland to deliberate their national identity; they had to determine whether they remained Swedes or became Finns or Russians. The elite chose to become Finns, which may seem obvious from the nowadays perspective, but it cannot be taken for granted that the Swedish speaking and noble elite converted their local Finnish identity into a new national identity. The basis of this study is constructive in a sense that identity is not seen as stable and constant. Theoretical background lies on Stuart Hall s writings on national identity, which offer good practical methods to study national identity. According to Hall identity is based mainly on difference , difference to others . In practice this means how elite began to define themselves in contrast to Swedes and Russians. The Finnish national identity was constructed in contrast to Swedes due to the political reasons. In order to avoid Russians suspicions Finns had to diverge from Sweden. Sweden had also gone trough coup d état, which was disliked by the elite of Finland. However, the attitudes of the elite towards Sweden remained somewhat ambiguous. Even if it was politically and rationally thinking wisest to draw away from Sweden, emotionally it was difficult. Russia, on the other hand, had been for centuries the archenemy of the Finns as well as all the Swedes. The fear of the Russians was mainly imaginary. Russians were seen as cruel barbarians who hated and resented Finns. The Finnish national identity was constructed above all in contrast to the Russians, for the difference to Russia was seen as a precondition for the existence of Finland. Respectively, the new position of Finland also required approaching towards Russia, which was in its nature very pragmatic. The elite contrived to get rid off its prejudice against Russians on intellectual level, but not on emotional level. At the beginning of the autonomy the primary loyalty of the elite was directed into the Finnish fatherland and its habitants. This was a radical ideological change, because traditionally the loyalty of the elite had focused on monarch and monarch s realm. However, the role of Alexander I was crucial. According to the elite the emperor had granted them a new fatherland. The former native country (Finland) was seen as a new fatherland instead of Sweden. The loyalty of the elite to the emperor generated from the reciprocal gratitude; Alexander I had treated their native country so mercifully. The elite felt strong personal responsibility for Finland s existence. The elite believed that the future of Finland rested on their shoulders. Alexander I had given them fatherland, but it was in the hands of the elite to construct the Finnish state and national spirit. The study of the Finnish national identity brings forth also that the national identity was constructed by emphasizing Finns civic rights. The civic rights were essential part of the construction of the Finnish national identity, for the difference between Finns and Russians was based on Finns own laws and privileges, which the emperor of the Russia had ensured.
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Contains correspondence, minutes, reports, clippings, manuscripts, research materials, journal articles, photographs and publications; primarily relating to Berger's involvement with Ethiopian Jewry and his efforts to bring about their rescue through the organization he formed, the American Association for Ethiopian Jews. Also contains material from Berger's other interests- his writings, travels through the world and to Israel and Ethiopia, community affiliations, research in Black American Jews, profession as a Jewish social work executive, his commitment to Jewish causes and to Israel. There are also many personal and biographical materials from the numerous long-term friendships and associations he established.
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Após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, o Imperador do Japão perdeu sua soberania e passou a ser símbolo da nação e da união do povo japonês, de acordo com a Constituição promulgada em 1947, sendo suas funções basicamente cerimoniais e diplomáticas. Pensando nesse Imperador enquanto símbolo e no futuro da instituição imperial no Japão, a presente dissertação objetivou principalmente analisar que imagem o Imperador Akihito cria de si por meio de suas alocuções. Tais alocuções se encontram disponíveis no sítio eletrônico da Agência da Casa Imperial, tanto no original em japonês quanto em inglês. Dessa forma, considerando que a disponibilidade dos textos em japonês pressupõe coenunciadores nipônicos e a dos textos em inglês pressupõe a comunidade internacional como coenunciadores, analisaram-se as imagens criadas nos dois casos, buscando indícios de possíveis diferenças na criação do etos de Akihito em cada uma das versões de suas alocuções. Além disso, buscou-se também pensar as relações de poder, segundo Foucault (1995, 2010), no córpus de pesquisa. Como arcabouço teórico, utilizaram-se conceitos da Análise do Discurso de base enunciativa, mais precisamente o conceito de etos na leitura de Maingueneau (1997, 2001b). O material de análise coletado abrange conferências de imprensa realizadas por ocasião da comemoração de dez e vinte anos de reinado de Akihito, nos anos de 1999 e 2009, respectivamente. A metodologia de pesquisa, por sua vez, consistiu em se analisar de forma comparativa os textos em japonês com aqueles em inglês, tendo como foco as ocorrências do verbo japonês omou, que expressa sentimento e julgamento, recorrente nas alocuções do Imperador. Analisaram-se também as ocorrências de modalidades deônticas em ambas as versões do texto, acreditando-se que a pouca ocorrência dessas também contribui para se pensar a imagem do Imperador. Como resultado, verificaram-se diferenças significativas entre as duas versões das alocuções. O etos de Akihito nas alocuções em japonês sugere um Imperador amigo e próximo do povo, de tom moderado e amenizado, criando identificação entre ele e o povo. O etos apreendido na versão em inglês, por sua vez, sugere um Imperador mais firme em suas convicções, ora enfatizando mais seus sentimentos e opiniões, ora menos, conferindo-se certa ocidentalização de sua imagem. Pensando-se em termos de relação de poder, que caracteriza controle e divulgação, também se concluiu que, sendo o Japão o maior aliado capitalista no Oriente e seu Imperador, representante simbólico desse país, parece pertinente que suas alocuções estejam disponíveis de forma tal que possibilite um controle constante por parte da comunidade internacional, garantindo a ordem capitalista