910 resultados para China in Africa


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Secondo il Report IFAD sulla povertà rurale, nel 2008, circa due terzi della popolazione africana viveva nelle aree rurali ed era in qualche modo coinvolta in attività agricole commerciali o di sussistenza (IFAD, 2011). L’agricoltura rappresenta il più importante settore economico per la popolazione africana e le donne risultano cruciali per la produzione agricola: rappresentano infatti il 62,8 per cento della forza lavoro (FAO, 2014). Dopo la crisi alimentare del 2007-2008 si è andato intensificando il fenomeno delle acquisizione di terre su larga scala in paesi del Sud del mondo, in particolare nel continente africano, da parte di multinazionali, governi, aziende nazionali e singoli soggetti privati. Questo processo è stato denominato anche land grabbing dalle principali organizzazioni internazionali e della società civile e ha avuto grande impatto mediatico a livello internazionale. L'intensificarsi del fenomeno ha portato a una progressiva perdita di controllo e accesso ad ampie porzioni di territorio da parte delle comunità locali, che non possono più disporre delle risorse naturali collegate alla terra. La cessione di ampi terreni avviene in molti casi senza trasparenza informativa, con violazione dei diritti umani e senza il consenso delle comunità che vi abitano e che coltivano tali aree, e a cui viene imposto un cambio radicale di vita. La terra è una risorsa centrale per l'identità, il sostentamento e la sicurezza alimentare di una comunità, dunque le conseguenze sono molteplici a livello sociale, culturale, economico e politico. Gli impatti sulle relazioni di genere e in particolare sulle donne delle comunità rurali risultano essere cruciali nel discorso sullo sviluppo. L’obiettivo di questo lavoro è indagare come le relazioni di genere, a seguito delle trasformazioni nella gestione della terra, si modificano amplificando squilibri già esistenti e creando conseguenze sulle logiche di potere delle comunità rurali e sulle vite delle persone che ne fanno parte.

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Persistent food insecurity and famines have continued to significantly shape the development policies of Ethiopia for decades. Over the decades, frequent famines caused not only the death of hundreds of thousands of victims but also significantly contributed to two revolutions that swept away the Haile Selassie and Derg regimes, as well as significantly taxing the legitimacy of the incumbent regime. As a result, agriculture and food security have become increasingly the top policy priorities for all political regimes in Ethiopia. However, the development policies of the ruling elites of Ethiopia have consistently failed to transform backward agriculture and ensure food security. The failures of the development policies of the Ethiopian governments over the years were attributed to several factors. Ethiopian authoritarian politics, centralized rule with a lack of transparency and accountability; the isolation of peasants from the development and governance process, and the lack of coherent agricultural development strategies that invest in peasant agriculture and create synergy among sectors are identified as key issues that have contributed to the persistence of food insecurity in the country. The literature on the failure of Ethiopia's political regimes to address food insecurity and famine has two major gaps that this study aims to fill. First, the cumulative and path-dependent food security and agricultural development policy environment were not adequately considered. Second, the strategy of extraversion by subsequent political regimes to use external support as a relief to prevent the famine-induced political crisis. This study used a mixed approach to collect data and present the evolution of the interplays of development policies and food security in three regimes within the context of international food security discourses. This study found out how the historical patterns of approaches of Ethiopia’s regimes to development and governance led to frequent famines and persistent food insecurity.

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The was conducted with objectives focusing on the EU farm animal directive and applicability in Africa focusing in Ethiopia, the welfare assessment and the effect of different bovine respiratory disease (BRD) treatment protocols in beef cattle fattening unit and the calves navel healing and fitness for transport. Different methodology was applied: relevant literates, international organization, regional organization, countries legislations, standards were assessed and reviewed, for assessing beef welfare and biosecurity a modified version of the Italian protocol for assessing beef cattle was adopted which is part of the ClassyFarm monitoring scheme, 264 Limousine bulls with an average age of 11 months at the entrance to fattening unit were considered. Mycoplasma bovis was tested using RT-PCR at arrival and with culture at after 15 days of arrival to the fattening unit. For studying the navel healing and effect on transport the navels of 299 dairy calves (55 males, 244 females) aged 0–90 days were examined. As a conclusion, the European Union (EU) farm directive, could not be completely implement in African countries like Ethiopia, but it could serve as a good starting point, so as after successful identification of the farm animal welfare critical points may help as a starting point with modification to the local situation in the ground. In beef welfare assessment, integration of different assessment parameters could be of useful, when assessing beef welfare, and further continues detail physiological parameters of welfare assessment for integration with other assessment protocols should be studied, our finding indicate that also BRD was a major welfare and health concern in the studied population and evidence the difficulties of antimicrobial treatment of M. bovis associated BRD. In transporting calves with a completely healed navel should be considered best practice because it ensures that calves that are too young are not transported.

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El presente estudio de caso, busca explicar cuáles son las posibles implicaciones e influencia de la construcción del Proyecto del Canal de Nicaragua en la geografía, la economía y la política exterior del Caribe Occidental. Esta investigación defiende que la construcción de este canal influirá en el largo plazo en la geopolítica de esta región, debido a la posibilidad de una competencia hasta hoy inexistente en la región entre dos canales interoceánicos, que puede llegar a afectar la disponibilidad de recursos naturales de la subregión, y asimismo, fortalecer la presencia asiática en América Latina; sin embargo, las consecuencias de este canal no pueden determinarse de manera específica. Para sustentar lo anterior, se realizará una revisión del proceso de construcción del canal de Panamá y del proyecto del de Nicaragua, para establecer un estudio de prospectiva de los escenarios posibles para la región del Caribe Occidental.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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El creciente interés de China por África ha modificado y estructurado una nueva política exterior, en donde el fortalecimiento de las relaciones políticas y económicas se ve ligado al uso de la diplomacia cultural como una herramienta de atracción. Teniendo en cuenta lo anterior, la presente investigación tiene por objetivo principal indagar cómo China construye una identidad a través de su diplomacia cultural en Angola, demostrando así, que este país utiliza sus costumbres, principios y normas para establecer una identidad de rol en la que se asume como una potencia que debe cooperar. No obstante, sus intereses van más allá de la cooperación al profundizar en relaciones de confianza que lo beneficien política y económicamente. Haciendo un uso del concepto de Imperialismo, la investigación mostrará las limitaciones y los vacíos de la noción de identidad para explicar acciones chinas en Angola, mostrando cómo se hacen uso de herramientas imperialistas para un beneficio propio.

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[No abstract as this is a book chapter: the following represents the first 2 paragraphs.] The screen fills with close-ups of smiling African faces against a black-and-orange background: the carefree child, the gap-toothed man with smoke curling from his pipe. The faces retreat into an outline of a map of Africa as the saccharine background music dissolves into birdsong. The silhouette of an acacia tree appears. This is not the much-derided Western romantic stereotype of the continent: it is an extract from a promotional trailer on CCTV Africa, the embodiment of China’s “soft power” drive and a spearhead of Chinese state television’s overseas expansion. Yet this image is at variance with the English-language channel’s professed ambitions. The Chinese premier, Li Keqiang, himself declared that “CCTV embraces the vision of seeing Africa from an African perspective and reporting Africa from the viewpoint of Africa”. These contradictory messages prompt fundamental questions about CCTV’s expansion into Africa. Are the channel’s English-language news bulletins aimed at African or Chinese viewers? What kind of Africa – and indeed China – do they represent, and could the framing of African events by CCTV News provide an alternative to the perspective of international rivals? Is CCTV’s main mission in Africa to provide news or to act as mouthpiece of the Chinese Communist Party and state? This chapter addresses these questions by applying a cross-cultural variant of framing theory to the news content of CCTV’s Africa Live and that of its closest direct competitor, Focus on Africa from BBC World News TV.

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We assess the determinants of Chinese direct investment in Africa compared with those of global FDI. We find that economic size and macroeconomic stability are positively correlated with Chinese and global FDI in Africa. Institutional variables, such as accountability and rule of law, are not significant in either case and the same can be said about FDI-aid complementarities. The presence of oil is a determinant of Chinese FDI but not of global FDI into Africa. Conversely, the openness of the economy is a determinant for global FDI but not of Chinese FDI, which appears to favour closed economies possibly due to industrial organizational concerns. While these differences accord with intuition, we find no evidence for the claim that Chinese FDI in Africa is related to non-economic governance in a specific way that differs from global practice. More refined governance indicators should be used to verify whether Chinese and global FDI into Africa remain indistinguishable on this score: we plan to do this in future research.

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Outward foreign direct investment (FDI) from developing countries is increasing. In the research on FDI, it has been considered that only competitive and productive firms can invest in foreign countries. However, since the differences in competitiveness and productivity between multinational enterprises (MNEs) from developed and developing countries have not been explicitly investigated, we cannot say whether MNEs from developing countries can or cannot survive in competition with MNEs from developed countries as well as against competitive and productive indigenous firms in host countries. To examine the activities of MNEs from developing countries, this study investigates Chinese firms in South Africa. It reveals that in order to compensate for the weak brand recognition of Chinese products and to expand sales, Chinese firms have mainly been making products that are sold under the brand names of indigenous South African firms. Chinese firms have expanded their business in South Africa relying on the business resources of indigenous firms in the host country. This indicates that business with indigenous firms is significant for MNEs from developing countries in boosting competitiveness.

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Aufbauend auf dem analytischen Tool des Totalen Krieges (vgl. den Artikel des Autors zu Controversy Total War in 1914-1918-Online) werden im vorliegenden Beitrag die Anstrengungen Chinas im Ersten Weltkrieg zu denjenigen anderer nicht europäischer Länder wie Australien, Südafrika oder Indien in Bezug gesetzt. Dabei wird das Ziel verfolgt, den globalen Charakter eines Konfliktes deutlich zu machen, der zurecht als erster Weltkrieg bezeichnet wird und in welchem China sicherlich eine weit bedeutsamere Rolle spielte, als es gemeinhin in der Historiographie dargestellt wird. Ursprünglich wurde der Beitrag als Antwort auf die Frage konzipiert, warum nicht nur China für eine Globalgeschichte des Ersten Weltkrieges von Bedeutung war. Im Verlauf der Übersetzung wurde der Titel dahingehend angepasst, dass stärker die Bedeutung von Chinas Rolle im Ersten Weltkrieg betont wurde.

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Our objective was to determine the prevalence of HIV infection and disease-specific HIV prevalence among women admitted to the gynaecology service of a district hospital in South Africa over a 3-month period in 1997. This was done with the goal of developing HIV education and counselling services in this setting. HIV status was determined among 196 (96%) of 205 consecutive admissions; 82 (42%) tested HIV positive. The HIV-infected women were younger than the HIV uninfected women (mean age 27 vs 33 years, P=0.001). The disease-specific HIV prevalence was greater than or equal to 40% among women who had had abortions, pelvic inflammatory disease, or ectopic pregnancy. The length of hospital stay (mean 5.4 days) and mortality (1%) were similar in the 2 groups. Inpatient gynaecology services may be act important setting in Africa, within which to provide HIV education, counselling and care.

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OBJECTIVE: To compare the HIV/AIDS epidemics in Australia and sub-Saharan Africa, to outline reasons for differences, and to consider implications for the Asia and Pacific region. METHODS: Comparison of key indicators of the epidemic in Australia, and Africa viewed largely through the experience of the Hlabisa health district, South Africa. RESULTS: To the end of 1997, for all Australia, the estimated cumulative number of HIV infections was approximately 19,000, whereas in Hlabisa 31,000 infections are estimated to have occurred. Compared with the low and declining incidence of HIV in Australia (<1%), estimated incidence in Hlabisa rose to 10% in 1997. In all, 94% of Australian infections have been amongst men; in Hlabisa equal numbers of males and females are infected. Consequently, whereas 3000 children were perinatally exposed to HIV in Hlabisa in 1998 alone, 160 Australian children have been exposed this way. In Australia, HIV-related disease is characterised by opportunistic infection whereas in Hlabisa tuberculosis and wasting dominate. Surveys among gay men in Sydney and Melbourne indicate >80% of HIV infected people receive antiretroviral therapy whereas in Hlabisa these drugs are not available. IMPLICATIONS: It seems possible that Asia and the Pacific will experience a similar HIV/AIDS epidemic to that in Africa. Levels of HIV are already high in parts of Asia, and social conditions in parts of the region might be considered ripe for the spread of HIV. As Australia strengthens economic and political ties within the region, so should more be done to help Pacific and Asian neighbours to prevent and respond to the HIV epidemic.

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The UN Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety adopted in Montreal, 29 January, 2000 and opened for signature in Nairobi, 15-26 May, 2000 will exert a profound effect on international trade in genetically modified organisms (GMOs) and their products. In this paper, the potential effects of various articles of the Protocol on international trade in GMOs are analyzed. Based on the present status of imports of GMOs and domestic research and development of biotechnology in China, likely trends in imports of foreign GM food and related products after China accedes to WTO is explored. Also, China's potential countermeasures to control and regulate imports of GMOs in line with implementation of the Protocol are discussed. China, in recent times, has increased its food and agricultural imports substantially from USA and Canada. China imported soybean 10.42 mill. tons in 2000 and about 15 mill tons in 2001, of which majority are from USA where GM soybean accounts for 60%. The plantation of US Monsanto's transgenic Bt cotton was increased to more than 1 million ha in China in 2001. Though China has paid great attention to develop biotechnology, it appears to have little scope to export GMOs and GM products. So China may consider a range of administrative measures to implement the Cartagena Protocol and to regulate its import of GMOs and GM agricultural products. Consequently, the Regulation on Safety of Agri-GMOs was issued on June, 2001 and followed three detailed rules issued in Jan. of 2002, with a priority to limit foreign GMOs importing by safety certification and labeling system. These were outlined taking into account policies adopted in Western countries such as green barriers to international trade.

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Hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) is an important type of cancer etiologically related to some viruses, chemical carcinogens and other host or environmental factors associated to chronic liver injury in humans. The tumor suppressor gene p53 is mutated in highly variable levels (0-52%) of HCC in different countries. OBJECTIVE: The objective of the present study was to compare the frequency of aberrant immunohistochemical expression of p53 in HCC occurring in cirrhotic or in non-cirrhotic patients as well as in liver cell dysplasia and in adenomatous hyperplasia. We studied 84 patients with HCC or cirrhosis. RESULTS: We detected p53 altered immuno-expression in 58.3% of patients in Grade III-IV contrasting to 22.2% of patients in Grade I-II (p = 0.02). Nontumorous areas either in the vicinity of HCC or in the 30 purely cirrhotic cases showed no nuclear p53 altered expression, even in foci of dysplasia or adenomatous hyperplasia. No significant difference was found among cases related to HBV, HCV or alcohol. CONCLUSION: The high frequency of p53 immunoexpression in this population is closer to those reported in China and Africa, demanding further studies to explain the differences with European and North American reports.