A “REVOLTA” DE JEÚ E A ESTELA DE DÃ: Um Estudo Em 2 Reis 10,28-36

A pesquisa tem por objetivo trabalhar o evento da Revolta de Jeú, em conjunto com a Estela de Dã, tendo como ponto de partida para tal, a exegese da perícope de 2 Reis 10-28,36. A história Deuteronomista apresenta o ato da Revolta de Jeú como sendo um feito demasiadamente importante, na restauração do culto a Javé em Israel, a partir de um contexto onde o culto a outras divindades, em Israel Norte, estava em pleno curso. No entanto, a partir da análise conjunta da Estela de Dã, que tem como provável autor o rei Hazael de Damasco, somos desafiados a ler esta história pelas entrelinhas não contempladas pelo texto, que apontam para uma participação ativa de Hazael, nos desfechos referentes a Revolta de Jeú, como sendo o responsável direto que proporcionou a subida de Jeú ao trono em Israel, clarificando desta forma este importante período na história Bíblica. Para tal análise, observar-se-á três distintos tópicos, ligados diretamente ao tema proposto: (1) A Revolta de Jeú e a Redação Deuteronomista, a partir do estudo exegético da perícope de 2 Reis 10,28-36, onde estão descritas informações pontuais sobre período em que Jeú reinou em Israel; (2) Jeú e a Estela de Dã, a partir da apresentação e análise do conteúdo da Estela de Dã, tratando diretamente dos desdobramentos da guerra em Ramote de Gileade, de onde se dá o ponto de partida à Revolta de Jeú; e por fim (3) O Império da Síria, onde a partir da continuidade da análise do conteúdo da Estela de Dã, demonstraremos a significância deste reino, além de apontamentos diretamente ligados ao reinado de Hazael, personagem mui relevante no evento da Revolta de Jeú.

La cultura política del sandinismo: nacimiento, desarrollo y realineamiento de una anomalía política centroamericana

Sandinista ideology and its political culture are born in 1927, with the refusal of the Pacto del Espino Negro by Augusto César Sandino, while its disappearance can be placed in 1999, date of the signature of the Liberal-Sandinista pact with which –effectively- the two main protagonist of nicaraguan politics at that time, Daniel Ortega and Arnoldo Alemán, halt the democratization process of Nicaragua, so putting on ice also its political development. Meanwhile, in the lapse of time between these two pacts, the most intense, feverish, dramatic and participated period of political history of the Central American country develops: an anti-imperialist guerrilla warfare ended in a bloodbath; a dynastic dictatorship of predatory authoritarianism for more than 40 years; a popular revolution that throws down the dictatorship; a decade of revolutionary government attacked by a counter-revolutionary war; an electoral defeat that will lead to a season of “pactismo” that will end the Sandinista anomaly and that will give an opening to something that we could consider –not with a certain difficulty- its pretence. The aim of this essay consists in analyzing how it has been possible that a political experience like the Sandinista Front , created not only for gaining power and for revolutionizing politically, socially and economically Nicaragua, but also for changing radically cultural, ethic and moral perspective of the country and its people, arrived being the contrary of what had been posed as the horizon to aspire...

Malta Transformed by Multi-level Governance: More Than Just an Outcome of Europeanisation. Occasional Paper 03/2014

Malta has been transformed in many ways with and by EU Membership. This paper goes beyond the more obvious impacts of ‘Europeanisation’ and instead reviews the implications of an explosion of multi-level governance on doing politics in Malta. While for most of its recent political history, there has been a clawing back of power by the central government – as when the Gozo Civic Council (1960-1973), an early foray into regional government, was “unceremoniously dissolved” in 1973 – this trend was reversed with the setting up of local councils as from 1994, an advisory Malta Council for Economic and Social Development (MCESD) in 2001, and then EU membership in 2004. These events have created a profligacy of decision-making tiers and multiplied the tensions that exist between different levels of governance in this small archipelago state. Malta has never experienced such pluralism before. In fact, since 1966, only two political parties have been represented in the national legislature and, therefore, there has been no division of powers between the executive and the national parliament. This paper reviews the implications of these developments on two hot political issues in 2014: the International Investor Programme (IIP) proposed by the Labour Government in its 2014 Budget; and the location of a Liquid Natural Gas (LNG)-storage vessel inside Marsaxlokk harbour.

The Napoleonic empire in southern Italy and the rise of the secret societies;

Appendices: A. The miracle of San Gennaro.--B. Table of measures and moneys.--C. House of Bourbon; House of Bonaparte: The Hapsburg, Bonaparte, Bourbon alliances.--D. Mary Caroline's memoirs.--E. Castlereagh's falsified dispatches.--F. Ferdinand's proclamation, 1st of May 1815.--G. Treaty of the holy alliance.--H. Carbonaro discourse.--I. Ferdinand's invitation to Laybach.--K. Bibliography for the political history of the kingdom of Naples, 1805-1821.

Beyond the Bauhaus : Cultural Modernity in Breslau, 1918-1933 /

The Breslau arts scene during the Weimar period was one of the most vibrant in all of Germany, yet it has disappeared from memory and historiography. Breslau was a key center for innovative artistic production during the Weimar Republic; recovery of its history will shed new light on German cultural dynamics in the 1920s. Such a study has art historical significance because of the incredible extent of innovation that occurred in almost every intellectual field, advances that formed the basis for aesthetic modernism internationally and continue to affect the course of visual art and architecture today. Architecture education, just one example in many, is still largely based on a combination of the Bauhaus model from the 1920s and the model developed at the Breslau Academy of Fine and Applied Art. The exploratory attitude encouraged in Weimar era arts endeavors, as opposed to the conformism of academic art, is still a core value promoted in contemporary art and architecture circles. Given the long-lasting influence of Weimar culture on modernism one would expect to find a spate of studies examining every aspect of its cultural production, but this is not the case. Recent scholarship is almost exclusively focused on Berlin and the Dessau Bauhaus. Although both interests are understandable, the creative explosion was not confined to these cities but was part of a larger cultural ethos that extended into many of the smaller regional centers. The Expressionist associations the Blaue Reiter in Munich and Brücke in Dresden are two well-known examples. Equally, innovation was not confined to a few monumental projects like the Stuttgart Weissenhofsiedlung but part of a broader national cultural ethos. The dispersion of modernism occurred partly because of the political history of Germany as a loosely joined confederation of small city states and principalities that had strong individual cultural identities before unification in 1871 but also because of the German propensity to value and take intense pride in the Heimat, understood both as the hometown and the region. Heimatliebe translated into generous support for cultural institutions in outlying cities. Host to a roster of internationally acclaimed artists and architects, major collectors, arts organizations, museums, presses, galleries, and one of the premier German arts academies of the day, Breslau boasted a thriving modern arts scene until 1933 when the Nazis began their assault on so-called "degenerate" art. This book charts the cultural production of Breslau-based artists, architects, art collectors, urban designers, and arts educators, who were especially interesting because they operated in the space between the margins of Weimar-era cultural debates. Rather than accepting the radical position of the German avant-garde or the reactionary position of German conservatives, many Breslauers sought a middle ground. It is the first book in English to address this history and presents the history in a manner unique to any studies currently on the market. 'Beyond the Bauhaus' explores the polyvalent and contradictory nature of cultural production in Breslau in order to expand the cultural and geographic scope of Weimar history; the book asserts a reciprocal dimension to the relationship between regional culture and national culture, between centers like Breslau and the capital Berlin. With major international figures like the painters Otto Mueller and Oskar Moll, architects Hans Scharoun and Adolf Rading, urban planners Max Berg and Ernst May, collectors Ismar Littmann and Max Silberberg, and an art academy that by 1929 was considered the best in Germany, Breslau clearly had significance to narratives of Weimar cultural production. 'Beyond the Bauhaus' contributes the history of German culture during the Weimar Republic. It belongs alongside histories of art, architecture, urban design, exhibition, collecting, and culture; histories of the Bauhaus; histories of arts education more broadly; and German history. The readership would include those interested in German history; German art, architecture, urban design, planning, collecting, and exhibition history; in the avant-garde; the development of arts academies and arts pedagogy; and the history of Breslau and Silesia.

Struggling for Educational Autonomy: The Significance of Schooling in New Mexico's Transition to Statehood

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

MÍDIA E MARKETING POLÍTICO: A CAMPANHA ELEITORAL DE FERNANDO HENRIQUE CARDOSO PARA PRESIDENTE, NAS PÁGINAS DA REVISTA VEJA EM 1994

Esta dissertação tem como objetivo verificar, de acordo com o conceito de marketing político, como se deu a construção da imagem pública do ex-presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso na revista Veja durante as eleições presidenciais de 1994. Para tanto, analisou-se 19 edições desse periódico, todas relativas ao período de junho a outubro do referido ano. Estudou-se a propaganda ideológica e suas categorias, como codificação, controle ideológico, contrapropaganda e difusão, presentes no material empírico analisado. Este trabalho desenvolveu-se à luz dos procedimentos metodológicos referentes ao Estudo de Caso enquanto tipo ou estratégia de pesquisa. Entre as técnicas para a coleta de dados, realizou-se a Análise de Conteúdo de natureza quantitativa e qualitativa dos dados pesquisados e entrevista com o próprio ex-presidente. Por meio deste estudo obteve-se os seguintes resultados: Fernando Henrique Cardoso teve o maior volume em centímetro/coluna em relação ao seu opositor, o candidato Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Em relação aos códigos utilizados nas matérias analisadas, o volume maior em centímetro/coluna ocorreu no código linguístico, significando que a revista Veja deu mais ênfase às palavras, às frases e aos parágrafos que compõem as estruturas articuladas, segundo os padrões históricos e culturais da língua portuguesa. No que diz respeito aos gêneros informativos, o volume maior em centímetro/coluna foi em reportagem, isso significa que a revista enfatizou os fatos que repercutiram e produziram efeitos na sociedade, e que foram percebidos pela revista. Concluise que as matérias publicadas fortaleceram significativamente a sua imagem perante os leitores da Veja, favorecendo-o em relação ao seu opositor, mas não chegaram a elegê-lo.(AU)

Brain and mind in the 'long' eighteenth century

How should the 'long' eighteenth century be defined? January 1, 1700 and December 31, 1799 are quite arbitrary dates. Why should they be chosen to segment our history rather than more significant periods of time, periods which have a coherent content, or are marked, perhaps, by the working out of a theme? Students of English literature sometimes take the long eighteenth century to extend from John Milton (Paradise Lost, 1667) to the passing of the first generation of Romantics (Keats (d. 1821), Shelley (d. 1822), Byron (d. 1824), Coleridge (d. 1834)). Students of British political history often take it to start with the accession of Charles II (the Restoration) in 1660 or, alternatively, the so-called Glorious Revolution of 1688 and to end with the great Reform Act of 1832. Others might choose different book ends. In the history of science and philosophy the terminus a quo is sometimes taken as the publication of Descartes' scientific philosophy or, in more Anglophone zones, the 1687 publication of Newton's Principia with its vision of a 'clockwork universe'. 'Nature and Nature's laws' as Alexander Pope enthused, 'lay hid in Night: God said, Let Newton be! and all was light!'.

The Ecumenical movement and the making of the European Community

The European Community has largely been considered a predominantly secular project, bringing together the economic and political realms, while failing to mobilise the public voice and imagination of churchmen and the faithful. Drawing on a wide range of archival sources, this is the first study to assess the political history of religious dialogue in the European Community. It challenges the widespread perception that churches started to engage with European institutions only after the 1979 elections to the European Parliament, by detailing close relations between churchmen and high-ranking officials in European institutions, immediately after the 1950 Schuman Declaration. Lucian N. Leustean demonstrates that Cold War divisions between East and West, and the very nature of the ecumenical movement, had a direct impact on the ways in which churches approached the European Community. He brings to light events and issues which have not previously been examined, such as the response of churches to the Schuman Plan, and the political mobilisation of church representations in Brussels, Strasbourg and Luxembourg. Leustean argues that the concept of a 'united Europe' has been impeded by competing national differences between religious and political institutions, having a long-standing legacy on the making of a fragmented European Community.

Marxists into Muslims: The Iranian irony

This dissertation examines the influence of Islamic ideology on Iranian Marxists during the 1979 revolution. The purpose of this study is to extricate the influence of Islamic culture, ideology, and terminology on Marxist organizations and on individuals who identified themselves as Marxists in Iran. This is especially of interest since in many ways Marxism and Islam are ideologically in conflict. Were Marxists aware of the influences of Islam in their behavior and ideology? To investigate the irony publications put forth by several Marxist organizations before and after the 1979 revolution were examined. A history of such influence both ideologically and contextually is depicted to demonstrate their political and cultural significance. Through the study of Marxist political organs, theoretical publication and political flyers distributed during and after the revolution, the phenomenon of Marxists converting to an Islamic ideology became clearer. Many Marxist organizations were demonstrably utilizing Islamic political ideology to organize and mobilize masses of Iranians. This study shows a historical precedence of Marxists’ usage of Islam in the political history of Iran dating back to early twentieth-century. Primary and secondary Marxist literature showed that Islam was an inescapable social and political reality for Iranian Marxists. Not only was there a common upbringing but a common enemy fostered provisional collusion between the two. The internalizing the idea of martyrdom—of Shi’a Islam—was a shared belied that united Marxists with Muslins in their attempt to effect sociopolitical change in Iran. Studying Marxist publications shows evidence that many Iranian Marxists were not conscious of using Islamic ethics and terminology since Islamic beliefs are part of the taken-for-granted world of Iranian culture. This contextual belief system, pervasive within the culture and a change of political ideology is what created the conditions for the possibility of Marxists becoming Muslims.

The creation of Huey P. Newton

The purpose of this study was to examine the creation of Huey P. Newton, founder of the Black Panther Party in 1966. I argued that Huey P. Newton was a creation of several elements: the black ghetto of Oakland; the rise of Black Power and the death of non-violence in the civil rights movement; the New Left and its factions; and, the Black Panther Party through the "Free Huey" campaign. The "Free Huey" campaign that arose from Newton's imprisonment in 1968, constructed an iconic image of Newton that he inherited on his release in 1970. This study will contextualize Newton and refute the claims of Hugh Pearson, author of the 1994, The Shadow of the Panther, who deemed Newton as a common criminal, not worthy of historical debate.

Marxists into Muslims: An Iranian Irony

This dissertation examines the influence of Islamic ideology on Iranian Marxists during the 1979 revolution. The purpose of this study is to extricate the influence of Islamic culture, ideology, and terminology on Marxist organizations and on individuals who identified themselves as Marxists in Iran. This is especially of interest since in many ways Marxism and Islam are ideologically in conflict. Were Marxists aware of the influences of Islam in their behavior and ideology? To investigate the irony publications put forth by several Marxist organizations before and after the 1979 revolution were examined. A history of such influence both ideologically and contextually is depicted to demonstrate their political and cultural significance. Through the study of Marxist political organs, theoretical publication and political flyers distributed during and after the revolution, the phenomenon of Marxists converting to an Islamic ideology became clearer. Many Marxist organizations were demonstrably utilizing Islamic political ideology to organize and mobilize masses of Iranians. This study shows a historical precedence of Marxists’ usage of Islam in the political history of Iran dating back to early twentieth-century. Primary and secondary Marxist literature showed that Islam was an inescapable social and political reality for Iranian Marxists. Not only was there a common upbringing but a common enemy fostered provisional collusion between the two. The internalizing the idea of martyrdom—of Shi’a Islam—was a shared belied that united Marxists with Muslins in their attempt to effect sociopolitical change in Iran. Studying Marxist publications shows evidence that many Iranian Marxists were not conscious of using Islamic ethics and terminology since Islamic beliefs are part of the taken-for-granted world of Iranian culture. This contextual belief system, pervasive within the culture and a change of political ideology is what created the conditions for the possibility of Marxists becoming Muslims.

Deconstrucción de los relatos evangélicos de la pasión. Sobre el arraigo de la ficción en la Historia de las religiones

Las más elementales exigencias de rigor crítico e independencia siguen a menudo sin cumplirse hoy en día en la reconstrucción histórica de la figura del judío Yeshua ben Yosef (Jesús el galileo), en parte porque el carácter inconsistente de las fuentes evangélicas no es tomado en serio. El presente artículo analiza las incongruencias de los relatos de la pasión, muestra en ellos los indicios de un proceso de despolitización, y señala el carácter insostenible de varias afirmaciones clave de muchos historiadores contemporáneos sobre el predicador galileo.