A universidade e o seu contributo para o desenvolvimento da União Europeia

O trabalho presente é uma investigação sobre a Universidade sua génese e diversidade, caminhada e desenvolvimento, prosperidade em crescimento, papel cultural e fonte de conhecimento seus momentos de glória, seu de impasse e de crise e tentativas para devolver a glória e prestigio de outrora. Nasceu na Europa Meridional com o título de “Studium Generale”. Não nasceu nem “ex abrupto” nem “ex nihilo”, a sua génese remonta às escolas religiosas dos conventos e catedrais onde se conservavam os documentos da cultura greco – latina que mais tarde imperará na Europa sob o antropocentrismo, em oposição ao Teocentrismo. O “Studium General” nasce sobre o patrocínio da Igreja que mantinha como disciplinas principais nestes centros a Teologia e Filosofia, cuja leccionação é circunscrita a poucas Escolas e professores escolhidos. Acorriam à Universidade alunos de todos os cantos da Europa, evidentemente com meios e frades alunos pobres e para os frades criaram-se colégios que os acolhiam e protegiam. A reunião de estudantes devido a disturbios gerou ambiente controverso e obrigou as autoridades governamentais a medidas quer de contenção quer de protecção a residentes e forasteiros. O estudante era um estrangeiro que se deslocava no espaço europeu consoante a fama dos professores. A língua latina foi o veiculo de ligação e comunicação. Pouco a pouco os estados foram-se dando conta do valor da universidade e dos seus ensinamentos e disputavam com a Igreja o seu patrocínio. A Universidade contribui para o desenvolvimento dos Estados a nível administrativo, do direito, da criação de leis dando aos Estados uma maior e melhor organização no seu desenvolvimento. As Universidades concediam graus académicos, sendo o maior o de doutor. Todos esperavam o apoio do saber académico e científico para vencer a luta pela existência. O sistema escolático criticado pelo humanismo deu origem a novos modelos de universidade que surgiram com a supervisão dos Estados. Os modelos a partir do século XIX, são: ingês, alemão, americano, francês e russo. A universidade passa a ser o lugar do ensino superior, com o repúdio ao tradicinal e a investigação passa a fazer parte do papel da universidade. Em Portugal criou-se estruturas de apoio à formação de professores especialmente o sector de ciência e educação. Tardiamente a União Europeia dá atenção à educação criando programas como o Sócrates cujas acções são Comenios, Erasmus, Grundvig, Língua e Minerva. A mobilidade estudantil torna-se realidade na Europa e a flexibilidade na educação. A função da universidade actual ocupa-se do sector industrial e pós industrial da sociedade de informação, economia e empresa. Universidade como serviço público e mercado. Foi pena que a União Europeia, não reconhecesse ao Homem a centralidade de que tem direito, e esquecesse que sem o homem não há desenvolvimento nem criatividade. Estruturou-se a economia e a política obliterou a educação, a cultura, a formação, isto é um castelo construído sobre areia. Relembrando Antero cabe dizer: “Abrem-se as portas de ouro com fragor Mas dentro encontro só cheiro de dor Silêncio e escuridão nada mais”. Hoje a nossa Universidade é um problema. O seu caminho terá de ser o da cultura e a da educação. Tem de ser vista como poder em época de crise e o permanente primeiro que o transitório. Donde a necessidade de uma gestão de qualidade e de uma educação permanente.

Independence referendums: who should vote and who should be offered citizenship?

In this EUDO CITIZENSHIP Forum Debate, several authors consider the interrelations between eligibility criteria for participation in independence referendum (that may result in the creation of a new independent state) and the determination of putative citizenship ab initio (on day one) of such a state. The kick-off contribution argues for resemblance of an independence referendum franchise and of the initial determination of the citizenry, critically appraising the incongruence between the franchise for the 18 September 2014 Scottish independence referendum, and the blueprint for Scottish citizenship ab initio put forward by the Scottish Government in its 'Scotland's Future' White Paper. Contributors to this debate come from divergent disciplines (law, political science, sociology, philosophy). They reflect on and contest the above claims, both generally and in relation to regional settings including (in addition to Scotland) Catalonia/Spain, Flanders/Belgium, Quebec/Canada, Post-Yugoslavia and Puerto-Rico/USA.

The Survivability of Swedish Emergency Management Related Research Centers and Academic Programs : A Preliminary Sociology of Science Analysis

The Survivability of Swedish Emergency Management Related Research Centers and Academic Programs: A Preliminary Sociology of Science Analysis Despite being a relatively safe nation, Sweden has four different universities supporting four emergency management research centers and an equal and growing number of academic programs. In this paper, I discuss how these centers and programs survive within the current organizational environment. The sociology of science or the sociology of scientific knowledge perspectives should provide a theoretical guide. Yet, scholars of these perspectives have produced no research on these related topics. Thus, the population ecology model and the notion of organizational niche provide my theoretical foundation. My data come from 26 interviews from those four institutions, the gathering of documents, and observations. I found that each institution has found its own niche with little or no competition – with one exception. Three of the universities do have an international focus. Yet, their foci have minimal overlap. Finally, I suggest that key aspects of Swedish culture, including safety, and a need aid to the poor, help explain the extensive funding these centers and programs receive to survive. 

Rawls and Health Care

John Rawls’s A Theory of Justice (1971), his first major work articulating his theory of justice as fairness, was immediately recognized as a fundamental contribution to political philosophy in the twentieth century. Working within the tradition established by previous philosophers such as Kant and Locke, Rawls employed the contract theory approach. Taking it to a higher order of abstraction, he sought to determine not what the structure of social organization would be, but what the principles which governed social institutions would be under a hypothetical contracting situation. Rawls uses this contract theory approach to construct a society in which the morally irrelevant contingencies of nature and social arrangements are mitigated by principles of justice which govern the basic institutions of society. A common observation has been that Rawls left out any discussion of health care and how it might fit into his conception of a just society. Several philosophers have articulated expansions of the theory to account for health care. In the chapters that follow I will continue this tradition and consider how justice as fairness might be expanded to account for just health care allocation. In doing so, I hope to answer a particularly strong critique of the theory brought up by Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum, and to argue for a broadened conception of health care which takes into account the complex causal relationship between society and human health.

Wolves in sheeps' clothing: Creationist manipulation of Kansas science standards

So the question that animates this paper is this: what happens when a state's education policy seeks to make popular social and religious values a central part of its education standards in direct confrontation with the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution? I will try to answer that question in three ways. First, I will examine the tactics used in the manipulation of curricula to reflect social and religious values, with special focus on the Kansas case. Second, I will try to ascertain the determinants of success in these efforts; under what conditions are movements to impose creation science on public school curricula likely to succeed, and when to fail? Third, I will try to place these struggles over educational curricula, and between religion and science, in broader context, focusing on what they tell us about the nature of public policy making in the contemporary United States.

State Political Action Committee Financing and the 2008 Presidential Election: A Detailed Look at Mitt Romney and the Commonwealth PACs

This study looks at the historical context in which PACs developed, as well as the current legal environment in which they operate. It will also briefly discuss the legal and procedural challenges that candidates face and the ways in which PACs alleviate some of these pressures in ways that presidential committees cannot. An understanding of the strategic dilemmas which cause candidates to seek extraneous structures through which to establish campaign networks is essential to extrapolating the potential future of campaign finance strategy. Furthermore, this study provides an in-depth analysis of the state Commonwealth PACs both in terms of fundraising and spending, and discusses the central issues this state PAC strategy raises with respect to campaign finance law. The study will conclude with a look into the future of campaign financing and the role these state-level PACs may play if current rules are not revised.

Análise da produtividade científica dos docentes da Universidade Estadual Paulista, campus de Marília/SP

O objetivo do presente trabalho foi analisar/quantificar a produtividade científica dos docentes pertencentes à Universidade de Estadual Paulista (UNESP), campus de Marília/SP. Para cada professor, analisamos o número total de artigos na plataforma Lattes, no ISI Web of Science e no SCOPUS. Além disso, verificamos o total de livros publicados, capítulos de livros publicados e orientações em Programas de Pós-Graduação (PPG). A análise dos nove departamentos da Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências (FFC) mostrou que o Departamento de Ciências Políticas e Econômicas possui uma média elevada (21,42) de artigos na Plataforma Lattes, quando comparado aos outros departamentos. Entretanto, o Departamento de Fonoaudiologia apresentou médias mais altas em artigos indexados pelo ISI (2,61) e SCOPUS (4,39), bem como o índice-h, nessas plataformas. em relação aos programas de pós-graduação, o Departamento de Administração e Supervisão Escolar foi o que apresentou a maior média de orientações em andamento e/ou concluídas. O desempenho mais baixo, em relação aos artigos publicados pelo ISI e SCOPUS, pelos departamentos na área de Humanas/Humanidades pode estar associado às características do campo da concentração e da cobertura limitada do banco de dados ISI e SCOPUS, indicando que o índice-h é muito sensível ao campo de concentração.

Cartas schillerianas: a conciliação entre a dimensão estética e política

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Scientific research output evaluation of professors of Sao Paulo State University, Marilia/SP

In this work, an analysis of scientific bibliographic productivity was made using the Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciencias, Universidade Estadual Paulista (FFC-UNESP) as example. It is composed by nine departments which offer altogether nine undergraduate courses: 1) Archival, 2) Library, 3) Speech Therapy, 4) Pedagogy, 5) International Relations, 6) Physiotherapy, 7) Occupational Therapy, 8) Philosophy, 9) Social Sciences and six graduate programs leading to M. S. and Ph.D. degrees. Moreover, when analyzing the different courses of FFC-UNESP, they represent typical academic organization in Brazil and Latin America and could be taken as a model for analyzing other Brazilian research institutions. Using data retrieved from the Lattes Plataform database (Curriculum Lattes) we have quantitatively the scientific productivity percentage of professors at UNESP. We observed that bibliometric evaluations using the Curriculum Lattes (CL) showed that the professors published papers in journal are not indexed by ISI and SCOPUS. This analysis was made using: 1) the total number of papers (indexed in Curriculum Lattes database), 2) the number of papers indexed by Thomson ISI Web of Science database and SCOPUS database, and 3) the Hirsch (h-index) by ISI and SCOPUS. Bibliometric evaluations of departments showed a better performance of Political Science and Economics Department when compared to others departments, in relation total number of papers (indexed in Curriculum Lattes database). We also analyzed the academic advisory (Master's Thesis and Ph. D. Thesis) by nine departments of FFC/UNESP. The Administration and School Supervision Department presented a higher academic advisory (concluded and current) when compared to the others departments.

Post-conventional Political Cultures via Processes of Direct Democracy: Theoretical Considerations Based on Jurgen Habermas and Lawrence Kohlberg

In this article, it is proposed to differentiate political cultures in two dimensions. First, inspired by Habermas' distinction of the contents of discourse, a distinction is suggested between moral, ethical-political and pragmatic elements of political culture as well as of an element of culture of balancing interests. Second, inspired by Kohlberg's stage models for the development of the individual moral consciousness and for moral culture, a distinction is similarly suggested between two pre-conventional, two conventional and two post-conventional collective stages of political culture. It can be shown that from a normative point of view, only deliberations made in a post-conventional political culture can produce reasonable or at least fair results. Conceptual considerations indicate processes of direct democracy as the method for promoting post-conventional political cultures. The more liberty that the citizens have to formulate and trigger processes of direct democracy, the more one can expect from them to generate post-conventional political cultures.

Liberalism, Marxism and Democratic Theory Revisited: Proposal of a Joint Index of Political and Economic Democracy

Liberalism and Marxism are two schools of thought which have left deep imprints in sociological, political and economic theory. They are usually perceived as opposite, rival approaches. In the field of democracy there is a seemingly insurmountable rift around the question of political versus economic democracy. Liberals emphasize the former, Marxists the latter. Liberals say that economic democracy is too abstract and fuzzy a concept, therefore one should concentrate on the workings of an objective political democracy. Marxists insist that political democracy without economic democracy is insufficient. The article argues that both propositions are valid and not mutually exclusive. It proposes the creation of an operational, quantifiable index of economic democracy that can be used alongside the already existing indexes of political democracy. By using these two indexes jointly, political and economic democracy can be objectively evaluated. Thus, the requirements of both camps are met and maybe a more dialogical approach to democracy can be reached in the debate between liberals and Marxists. The joint index is used to evaluate the levels of economic and political democracy in the transition countries of Eastern Europe.

Indonesien in der ASEAN des 21. Jahrhunderts: eine Analyse des indonesischen Einflusspotenzials in der Assoziation südostasiatischer Staaten

Die Geschichte und Entwicklung der ASEAN und Indonesiens im Zeitraum von 1967rnbis ins frühe 21. Jahrhundert sind eng miteinander verknüpft. Um der Frage nachrndem indonesischen Einflusspotenzial in der ASEAN im 21. Jahrhundert nachgehenrnund dann einen Ausblick auf die Zukunft der Rolle Indonesiens in der ASEAN gebenrnzu können, bedarf es zunächst einer Analyse dessen, was in der Vergangenheitrndazu führte, dass Indonesien in der Region als primus inter pares wahrgenommenrnwurde, und der Rolle, die Indonesien im Rahmen der Erweiterung und Vertiefung der ASEAN bisher spielte. So ist der Fokus der Arbeit auf vier Phasen gerichtet: (1) die Gründungszeit der ASEAN sowie die Etablierung Indonesiens als einer der einflussreichsten Mitgliedstaaten; (2) die asiatische Finanzkrise, die nicht nur der Entwicklung der ASEAN als erstem Erfolgsmodell regionaler Kooperation in Südostasien vorläufig ein Ende setzte, sondern auch Indonesien in große wirtschaftliche wie politische Turbulenzen trieb; (3) die überregionale Erweiterung der ASEAN und der Beginn der politischen Transformation in Indonesien sowie (4) die Vertiefung der ASEAN-Kooperation und die Stabilisierung Indonesiens als demokratischer Akteur. rnFür alle vier Phasen werden das materielle Machtprofil, die institutionellen Verknüpfungen sowie ideelle Faktoren des Einflusspotenzials Indonesiens untersucht, um sich einer Antwort auf die Frage zu nähern, über welches Einflusspotenzial Indonesien in der ASEAN des 21. Jahrhunderts verfügt. Die Analyse bringt zutage, dass es Indonesien vor der Asienkrise trotz erheblicherrnEntwicklungsrückstände möglich war, gestaltenden Einfluss auf die ASEANrnauszuüben und an regionaler Bedeutsamkeit sowie Einflusspotenzial in der ASEANrnzu gewinnen. Trotz deutlich erkennbarer Entwicklungsfortschritte ist dasrngegenwärtige Indonesien jedoch nicht in der Lage, sein Einflusspotenzial in derrnASEAN zu steigern, sich als relevanter Akteur zu etablieren und erneut einernSchlüsselrolle einzunehmen. Die Akteure der ASEAN folgen nicht wie einst denrnIdeen Indonesiens, und die regionale Fremdwahrnehmung Indonesiens wird ganzrnerheblich vom derzeitigen politischen und sozialen Wertesystem beeinflusst, mit dem sich kein anderer ASEAN-Staat ohne Einschränkung identifizieren kann. rnDie Erkenntnisse der Arbeit führen letztlich zu dem Fazit, dass es aktuell kaum Raum für eine Steigerung des indonesishen Einflusse innerhalb des ostasiatischenrnRegionalismus gibt. Für die Gegenwart und vielleicht die kommenden Dekaden mussrnfür Indonesien attestiert werden, dass es sich mit der Rolle als Teilnehmer in den ASEAN-Prozessen begnügen muss.

The Effect of Weight on the Perception of Political Candidates

Chris Christie recently visited the famous “Wailing Wall” in Jerusalem, Israel, during his first trip abroad as governor of New Jersey. The New York Post reported on his trip with the headline “The Whale at the Wall” (Campanile 2012). Given headlines like this, it is easy to see anecdotal evidence of the stigmatization that surrounds obesity within contemporary American society. What’s more important is that these social stigmas that Americans are faced with every day are not merely surface level jokes bantered about for a cheap laugh. They are often prejudices that permeate every aspect of human life. Whether it comes to finding a date, looking for a job, or trying to be taken serious by one’s peers, weight is always a topic of concern. In an effort to understand how far entrenched these biases are in society, this thesis studies the ramifications of obesity in politics. In this thesis, I attempt to understand to what extent, if any, obesity matters in regard to candidate appearance, voters' choices, and political behavior.