Determining factors of the innovative behavior of cooperatives: an analysis of the case of Castilla y León

Cooperatives have a long historical experience in the Spanish economy and have demonstrated their ability to compete against traditional firms in the market. To maintain this capability, while taking advantage of the competitive advantages associated with their idiosyncrasies as social economy enterprises, they should take into consideration that the economy is increasingly globalized and increasingly knowledge-based, especially with regards to technological content. As a consequence, the innovative capacity appears to be a key aspect in order to be able to challenge competitors. This article characterizes the innovative behavior of cooperatives in the region of Castile and Leon and analyses the internal and external factors affecting their innovative performance, based on data from a survey of 581 cooperatives. The results of the empirical analysis, which is performed by multivariate binary logistic regression on various types of innovation, lead us to identify the size of the organizations, the existence of planning, the R & D activities and the human capital as the main determining factors.

Everything that rises must converge: a neo-Marxist analysis of Canadian business-government relations

The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.

Les politiques commerciales, industrielles, régionales, et d'adaptation dans le Rapport de la Commission MacDonald: un Commentaire

The effect of long discussions between commissioners with divergent views on certain issues is obvious in the report: it is more oriented towards the short term than expected. Undue attention was paid to trade liberalization with the U.S., a region of the world which the report describes as one in relative decline. The report does not deal with a scenario wherein trade liberalization with the U.S.A. is seen as a necessary transitory measure leading towards diversification of Canada's trade relation away from North America. Such an examination would point to a different approach to the U.S.A. in the short term. The report does not deal with services, information and te telecommunication which are fundamental to the economic development of Canada. There is also overemphasis on commercial policy and relative neglect on the use of domestic policies, among them industrial policy, in the pursuit of Canada's objectives. The report notes the interdependence between commercial and domestic policies and rightly recommend that provinces must, as a consequence, be involved in trade liberalization discussions. It is argued that the report underestimates the pressures for extra- territorial application of U.S. policies to Canada and the pressure for harmonization of policies which would follow trade liberalization. The report pays no attention to the implications of offshore investment going primarily to the U.S.A. and does not pay adequate attention to the role of investment to deal with adjustment problems. Available studies would have allowed the commissioners to clarify the determinants of investment decisions by Canadian head offices who have established subsidiaries in the U.S.A. but they were not examined. Little attention was paid to the role of transnationals and intrafirm trade in examining the implications of trade liberalization. The importance given to the reduction of regional disparities in earned incomes is welcome. However, the recommandation to leave regional development to provinces and municipalities denies the importance of national policies in the attainment of regionalization job equilization the impact of new CAD-CAM-telecommunications technologies on location decisions for the production of goods and services was not examined. Nor were the extent of and changes in interregional (i.e. interprovincial and more particularly province-state) trade flows examined. Knowledge of these patterns is essential in the formulation of industrial and adjustment policies in light of trade liberalization. The report recommends passive industrial adjustment policies focussed on the U.S., a reflection of the concern of the commissioners for the short term and the U.S.A. The implementation of the report's recommendations would lead to a centralization of economic power at the nationallevel, hence the need to establish a renewed senate to favour the formulation of regionally sensitive national policies.

Analysis of resource use efficiency of the spinning mills in Kerala

This thesis discusses the factors which influence the productive and financial performance of the spinning mills in Kerala. The study will also help to assess the effect of ongoing reforms in the industrial sector in India. The main objective of the study is to identify and analyse the factors affecting the efficiency of the spinning mills. The unique feature of the study is that it compares the performance of private sector in relation to its public counterparts and also performance of small sector in relation to medium sector. The study is carried out with reference to the relative performance of differmills in Kerala and to identify the sources of differences in performance. The study covers twenty one spinning mills in Kerala, of which ten are in the private sector, four under NTC, three under co—operat;ive sector and four under KSTC.Measured in terms of firm-size fifteen belong to small size with a spindleage of less than 26,000 and six are in the medium size with a spindleage of 26,000 to 50,0OO.1 The period of study is 1982-83 to 1991-92. Hence, only those companies, of which data of 10 years upto 1991-92 wereavailable, are taken for study.

The Economics of Rubber Based Industry in Kerala

The importance of industrialisation in achiering rapid economic growth has been recognised in India's development strategy ever since the inception of economic planning in the country. Being the secondary sector in the generation of national income. industry contributes significantly to the process of economic development. Extensive debates have taken place on the nature of the industrialisation strategy to be pursued in the economy since Independence. This is reflected in the industrial policy which evolved through the various five year plans and policy resolutions. Stupendous efforts have been made by the government since the commencement of planning and particularly since the 1960s to industrialise the Indian economy and develop the infrastructural base for sustained industrial development. It is difficult to assess the performance of the industrial sector over the past three decades with respect to the broad objectives of industrialisation. However. there are certain areas in which the achievements have been clearly significant.

Análisis del Espacio Schengen en materia de seguridad como base para la implementación del Protocolo sobre la Facilitación del Movimiento de Personas de la Comunidad para el Desarrollo de África Austral (SADC)

El fin de la Guerra Fría supuso no sólo el triunfo del capitalismo y de la democracia liberal, sino un cambio significativo en el Sistema Internacional; siendo menos centralizado y más regionalizado, como consecuencia de la proximidad y relaciones de interdependencia entre sus actores (no sólo Estados) y permitiendo la formación de Complejos Regionales de Seguridad (CRS). Los CRS son una forma efectiva de relacionarse y aproximarse a la arena internacional pues a través de sus procesos de securitización y desecuritización consiguen lograr objetivos específicos. Partiendo de ello, tanto la Unión Europea (UE) como la Comunidad para el Desarrollo de África Austral (SADC) iniciaron varios procesos de securitización relacionados con la integración regional; siendo un ejemplo de ello la eliminación de los controles en sus fronteras interiores o libre circulación de personas; pues consideraron que de no hacerse realidad, ello generaría amenazas políticas (su influencia y capacidad de actuación estaban amenazadas), económicas (en cuanto a su competitividad y niveles básicos de bienestar) y societales (en cuanto a la identidad de la comunidad como indispensable para la integración) que pondrían en riesgo la existencia misma de sus CRS. En esta medida, la UE creó el Espacio Schengen, que fue producto de un proceso de securitización desde inicios de la década de los 80 hasta mediados de la década de los 90; y la SADC se encuentra inmersa en tal proceso de securitización desde 1992 hasta la actualidad y espera la ratificación del Protocolo para la Facilitación del Movimiento de personas como primer paso para lograr la eliminación de controles en sus fronteras interiores. Si bien tanto la UE como la SADC consideraron que de no permitir la libre circulación de personas, su integración y por lo tanto, sus CRS estaban en riesgo; la SADC no lo ha logrado. Ello hace indispensable hacer un análisis más profundo de sus procesos de securitización para así encontrar sus falencias con respecto al éxito de la UE. El análisis está basado en la Teoría de los Complejos de Seguridad de Barry Buzan, plasmada en la obra Security a New Framework for Analysis (1998) de Barry Buzan, Ole Waever y Jaap de Wilde y será dividido en cada una de las etapas del proceso de securitización: la identificación de una amenaza existencial a un objeto referente a través de un acto discursivo, la aceptación de una amenaza por parte de una audiencia relevante y las acciones de emergencia para hacer frente a las amenazas existenciales; reconociendo las diferencias y similitudes de un proceso de securitización exitoso frente a otro que aún no lo ha sido.

Perfil logístico del sector del cemento en Colombia

Este proyecto caracteriza la industria del cemento en Colombia a partir de la contextualización y descripción de esta actividad en el mundo y en el país, describiendo y analizando asuntos relacionados con la cadena de suministro de esta. Teniendo en cuenta los actores directos e indirectos que en esta interactúan y temas como el comercio internacional, el desempeño y la competitividad regional de la industria nacional, la percepción empresarial y factores como la responsabilidad social y las buenas prácticas. Además de la descripción de los factores nacionales que afectan a la industria como la infraestructura, el transporte y el desempeño logístico del país. En la contextualización mundial se presentan temas como la producción, oferta y demanda mundial de este producto y las principales tendencias y prácticas logísticas que caracterizan a esta industria internacionalmente; en el panorama nacional se caracteriza la competitividad y desempeño logístico del país y los factores que afectan a la industria del cemento. Se presentan los orígenes e historia de la industria en el país y se dan datos de la producción, despachos y comercio internacional de esta además de una breve descripción de su cadena de suministro y la caracterización de las relaciones entre sus eslabones. Finalmente se describen los entes con los cuales interactúa la industria, se describe lo más relevante en cuanto a políticas ambientales, responsabilidad social y buenas prácticas de los principales productores del país y se concluye con la caracterización de la competitividad general de la industria a nivel nacional y los retos y problemáticas que afronta el sector y que lo limitan para mejorar su desempeño a nivel regional.

La industria ecuatoriana y el TLC andino (Tema Central)

Luego de presentar el comportamiento de la industria dentro de la economía ecuatoriana y señalar algunos elementos claves que debe contener una política de industrialización, el autor hace énfasis en la necesidad de elaborar y adoptar un Plan de Desarrollo Nacional, que permita delinear una política de Estado permanente y que facilite la expansión y modernización de los diferentes sectores económicos. Finalmente realiza un análisis de las perspectivas que las diferentes ramas de la industria tienen frente al TLC.

Brasil: elementos básicos para entender a la superpotencia sudamericana (Tema Central)

El presente estudio apunta a proveerle al lector con elementos para responder a un conjunto de preguntas relevantes para el diseño de una política bilateral Ecuador-Brasil coherente, entre otras: ¿Qué explica el surgimiento de Brasil como una potencia económica global?, ¿Cómo ese exitoso desarrollo económico –y social– ha influido en la política internacional de esta nación?, ¿Cómo podría afectar a Ecuador la creciente influencia internacional de Brasil en algunos de los organismos centrales para la toma de decisiones económicas mundiales, tales como el Grupo de los 20 (G-20), la Organización Mundial del Comercio (OMC) y el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI)? A continuación mostraré que esas preguntas no solo se relacionan entre sí, sino que, de hecho, tienen una respuesta común: la economía política del desarrollo brasileño tanto histórico como de los últimos veinte años explica su emergencia económica, los notables cambios en su política exterior en los noventa y la presente década, y los límites y oportunidades de la proyección internacional brasileña en el presente y el futuro más o menos inmediato.

The triggers of competitiveness: the EFIGE cross-country report. Bruegel Blueprint 17, 17 July 2012

There is a pressing need for Europe to grow out of the crisis, meaning that Europe needs to become more competitive, enabling it to capture growth currently taking place mainly in emerging markets. But what are the triggers of competitiveness? The EFIGE project, led by Bruegel, takes a fresh look by inquiring into the determinants of firm-level international performance – focusing on external competitiveness. In the competitiveness debate, it is crucial to understand not only the macroeconomic challenge, but also to find the right micro-level triggers that will generate growth and exports. The authors identify firm-level total factor productivity as a major determinant of growth and exports. Human capital, research, equity finance and performance based incentives for employees also play their parts. Moreover, size matters and large firms typically are much better exporters than their smaller counterparts. This report builds on previous EFIGE research and studies in depth firm performance in seven countries (Austria, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Spain, United Kingdom) to identify the triggers of competitiveness.

Neoliberalism, the developmental state and civil society in Korea

Following the Asian economic crisis of the late 1990s, some scholars predicted that the introduction of neoliberal ideas and policies would result in the definitive passing of the Korean developmental state. Despite these predictions, Korean state elites have retained their influential position as economic managers by, for instance, practicing a revised form of industrial policy. Neoliberal reform has, however, had significant social implications. Rather than neoliberalism acting as a democratising force that curtails the power of the state, this article illustrates that the Korean state has used the reform agenda to justify an expansion of its powers. The state presented itself as an agent capable of resolving long-standing economic problems, and of defending law and order. By doing so, the state reduced the political space available to non-state actors. The article concludes that for some states, neoliberalism is a means of retaining economic and political influence, and that former developmental states may be particularly adept at co-opting elements of civil society into governing alliances.

From old to new developmentalism in Latin America

O fracasso do consenso de Washington e das políticas macroeconômicas, baseadas em altas taxas de juros e taxas de câmbio não-competitivas para promover o crescimento da economia, levou os países da América Latina a formularem estratégias nacionais de desenvolvimento. O novo desenvolvimentismo é uma estratégia alternativa não apenas à ortodoxia convencional, mas também ao antigo nacional-desenvolvimentismo latino-americano. Enquanto o antigo nacional desenvolvimentismo era baseado na tendência à deterioração dos termos de troca e, adotando uma abordagem microeconômica, propunha planejamento econômico e industrialização, o novo nacional-desenvolvimentismo pressupõe que a industrialização foi alcançada, apesar de em diferentes estágios em cada país, e argumenta que, para assegurar rápidas taxas de crescimento e o catch up, a tendência que deve ser neutralizada é a da sobrevalorização da taxa de câmbio. Contrariamente à economia convencional, um estado capaz continua sendo o instrumento chave para assegurar o desenvolvimento econômico, a política industrial continua sendo necessária; mas o que distingue a nova abordagem é principalmente o crescimento com poupança interna, ao invés de com poupança externa. Uma política macroeconômica baseada em taxas de juros moderadas e uma taxa de câmbio competitiva, e não altas taxas de juros e moeda sobreapreciada conforme recomenda a ortodoxia convencional.

Do antigo ao novo desenvolvimentismo na América Latina

O fracasso do Consenso de Washington e das políticas macroeconômicas baseadas em altas taxas de juros e taxas de câmbio não competitivas em gerar crescimento econômico levou a América Latina à necessidade de formular estratégias nacionais de desenvolvimento. O novo desenvolvimentismo é uma estratégia alternativa, não apenas à ortodoxia convencional mas também ao antigo nacional-desenvolvimentismo latino-americano. Enquanto o nacional-desenvolvimentismo se baseava na tendência à deterioração dos termos de troca e, adotando uma abordagem microeconômica, propunha planejamento econômico e industrialização, o novo desenvolvimentismo assume que a industrialização foi alcançada, embora em graus diferentes para cada país, e argumenta que, a fim de garantir taxas rápidas de crescimento e alcançar os países desenvolvidos, o que precisa ser neutralizado é a tendência da taxa de câmbio à sobrevalorização. Contrariamente às alegações do pensamento econômico convencional, um Estado capaz continua sendo o instrumento chave para garantir o desenvolvimento econômico, e a política industrial continua a ser necessária; mas o que distingue a nova abordagem é principalmente o crescimento com poupança interna, em lugar do crescimento com poupança externa, uma política macroeconômica baseada em taxas moderadas de juros e uma taxa de câmbio competitiva, em lugar das altas taxas de juros e das moedas sobrevalorizadas preconizadas pela ortodoxia convencional.

A trajetória do ambiente jurídico-institucional do setor de software no Brasil e na Índia: identidades, diferenças e repercussões

Há mais de 30 anos o Brasil tem desenvolvido políticas específicas para o setor de informática, desde a Política Nacional de Informática da década de 70, passando pelo Período de Reserva de Mercado dos anos 80 e, nos dias de hoje, em que as Tecnologias de Informação e Comunicação (TIC) são tidas como uma das áreas prioritárias na Política Industrial. Dentre as metas atuais, destaca-se o foco na ampliação do volume de exportações de software e serviços. Contudo, apesar dessas pretensões, o país não tem tido destaque internacional expressivo para o setor. Por outro lado, a Índia, também considerada como um país emergente, figurando na lista dos BRIC, foi responsável pela exportação de cerca de US$47 bilhões em software e serviços de Tecnologia da Informação (TI) em 2009, se destacando como um país protagonista no mercado internacional do setor. A implementação de uma indústria tecnicamente sofisticada como a do software, que exige um ambiente propício à inovação, em um país em desenvolvimento como a Índia chama a atenção. De certo existiram arranjos jurídico-institucionais que foram utilizados naquele país. Quais? Em que medida tais arranjos ajudaram no desenvolvimento indiano do setor? E no Brasil? Este trabalho parte da hipótese de que o ambiente jurídico-institucional desses países definiu fluxos de conhecimento distintos, influenciando o tipo de desenvolvimento do setor de software de cada um. Averiguar como, entre outros fatores sócio-econômicos, esses arranjos jurídico-institucionais influenciaram na conformação diversa de fluxos de conhecimento é o objetivo específico desta pesquisa. Entende-se aqui como ambiente jurídico-institucional todas as regulamentações que estabelecem instituições, diretrizes e condições comuns para determinado tema. Partindo do pressuposto de que o setor de software desenvolve atividades intensivas em conhecimento, para cada país em questão, serão analisados apenas arranjos jurídico-institucionais que tiveram, ou têm, poder de delimitar o fluxo de conhecimento referente ao setor, sejam eles provenientes de políticas comerciais (de exportação e importação, ou de propriedade intelectual) ou de políticas de investimento para inovação. A questão fundamental ultrapassa o debate se o Estado deve ou não intervir, para focar-se na análise sobre os diferentes tipos de envolvimento observados e quais os seus efeitos. Para tal, além de revisão bibliográfica, foi feita uma pesquisa de campo na Índia (Delhi, Mumbai, Bangalore) e no Brasil (São Paulo, Brasília e Rio de Janeiro), onde foram conduzidas entrevistas com empresas e associações de software, gestores públicos e acadêmicos que estudam o setor.

After the demise of neoliberalism but not of conservatism, a third developmentalism?

Neoliberalism and developmentalism are the two alternative forms of economic and political organization of capitalism. Since the 2008 global financial crisis we see the demise of neoliberalism in rich countries, as state intervention and regulation increased, opening room for a third historical developmentalism (the first was mercantilism, the second, Fordism). Not only because of major market failures, not only because the market is definitely unable to assure financial stability and full employment, an active macroeconomic policy is being required. Modern economies are divided into a competitive and a non-competitive sector; for the coordination of the competitive sector the market is irreplaceable and regulation as well as strategic industrial policy will be pragmatically adopted following the subsidiarity principle, whereas for the non-competitive sector, state coordination and some state ownership are usually more efficient. Besides, the fact that capitalist economies are increasingly diversified and complex is an argument against the two extremes – against statism as well as neoliberalism – in so far that they require market coordination combined with increased regulation. But the third developmentalism probably will not be progressive as was the second, because the social-democratic political parties are disoriented. They won the battle for the welfare state, which neoliberalism was unable to dismantle, but the competition of low wage developing countries and immigration continue to offer arguments to conservative political parties that defend the reduction of the cost of labor contracts or the or precarization of labor.