Tempus: Barriers, Borders, Boundaries: Proceedings of the 2001 Australian Archaeological Association Annual Conference

The conference aimed to provide a forum for the exploration of barriers, borders and boundaries in Australian archaeological methods and practice, frameworks of interpretation and epistemological structures. Sessions were designed to have broad appeal to a range of archaeological stakeholders including academics, consultants, Indigenous peoples, students, cultural heritage managers and policy formulators.

Campfire culture and computer culture: Museums of the present

In Australia indigenous peoples have never had a treaty with the dominant cultures; and their on-going marginalisation is some testimony to this. However, they have not languished entirely in a policy free environment: media is one area where some policy advances have been made; but media policy development has experienced a number of problems. It has tended to be monolithic in a situation demanding multi and complex treatments. And funding, as always, never seems sufficient to meet those multi and complex needs. This paper examines a small remote community on the island of Milingimbi off the northern coast of Arnhem Land in Australia's far north. People in East Arnhem Land refer to themselves collectively as Yolngu. This community is not typical of many documented cases of media relations between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples; however, the fact that it tends to overturn much of the conventional scholarship surrounding indigenous peoples and the media, helps shed new light on the inadequacy of not only monolithic media policy, but the inadequacy of media-only approaches to policy. Arguably, the significance of the media in Milingimbi is part of a 'triangulated' relationship between indigenous and dominant cultures. That triangulation also involves appropriate forms of government and education, which coupled with appropriate media appear to offer new ways of seeing self-government alongside relative cultural and economic autonomy.

A GUERRA JUSTA NA CRISTIANIZAÇÃO DA AMÉRICA LATINA (1492-1566): ORIGEM DO CONCEITO, DESLOCAMENTOS E RESSIGNIFICAÇÕES

Em 1492, com o objetivo de adquirir riquezas e expansão territorial, os espanhóis chegaram à América Latina. Para tanto, rapidamente implantaram o seu sistema de governo, cultura e religião. Este processo só foi possível por meio da guerra. Para legitimá-la, foi necessário a reelaboração e a inversão de um antigo conceito de guerra e a sua consequente instauração nas terras recém ocupadas. O uso do conceito de Guerra Justa na América Latina, entre os anos1492 a 1566, fundamentava-se na história das conquistas romanas, filosofia de Aristóteles, teologia de Agostinho e Tomás de Aquino, nas leis jurídicas, Escrituras Sagradas e nas armas. Ao ser aplicado nas províncias indígenas, o conceito de Guerra Justa proporcionou efeitos trágicos pela sua violência. Ocorreram mortes de inocentes, invasão das terras, posse das riquezas, escravidão, destruição da cultura e da religião dos indígenas. Diante destes fatores, as divergências e debates tornaram-se inevitáveis. Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, o autor do Democrates Alter, tratado que hospeda o conceito de Guerra Justa, teve como opositor tanto na Espanha quanto na América Latina, o frei dominicano Bartolomé de Las Casas que lutou a favor dos indígenas frente a injustiça da guerra deflagrada pelos conquistadores espanhóis e da cristianização por meio das armas. Entre esses dois controversistas encontra-se outro teólogo-jurista, catedrático da Universidade de Salamanca, Francisco de Vitoria. Vitoria elaborou o Derecho Natural y de Gentes, obra que concedeu a Sepúlveda e Las Casas argumentos para fundamentar suas doutrinas. A julgar pelos resultados duradouros da conquista, Sepúlveda atingiu seus objetivos. A cristandade foi implantada em substituição às religiões dos nativos e os interesses políticos e econômicos dos conquistadores, entrementes, foram concretizados. Las Casas, por sua vez, ao discordar desse método, propôs, em sua obra, Del único modo de atraer a todos los pueblos a la verdadera religión, uma cristianização pacífica que se conduzisse somente por meio da pregação do evangelho e da fé cristã. Para chegarem a essa posição, ambos os controversistas analisaram as fontes e tradições literárias aristotélica, agostiniana e tomista, em especial. O projeto missionário colonial vislumbrado por Sepúlveda e Las Casas, definiu as duas hermenêuticas eclesiásticas presentes na América Latina que se estenderam até o século XIX quando aportou-se na América uma nova proposta de missão através dos protestantes.

Xinjiang and Central Asia: Ethno-religious, political, and economic interactions

The neighboring regions of Xinjiang and Central Asia, linked historically on the famous Silk Road, later developed separately as a result of the incorporation of the former into China and the latter into the Russian Empire and Soviet Union. Thus, interaction between Xinjiang and Central Asia has been constrained by the nature of the Sino-Russian or Sino-Soviet relationship. However, the demise of the Soviet Union--which resulted in the independence of five Central Asian states--and the recent economic reforms in the People's Republic of China suggest dramatic new possibilities for interregional cooperation.^ In this thesis, an historical and comparative approach is employed to study Chinese policies in Xinjiang and Soviet policies in Central Asia, and concludes that despite several decades of separate development, the common ethnic and religious origins of the indigenous peoples and their former ties will facilitate greater interaction between the two regions. ^

Vulnerable identities: Maya Yucatec identities in a postmodern world

In numerous anthropological works there have been preoccupations about the relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. Whatever social researchers have concluded, one thing is consistent: the tendency to interpret ethnographic “data” in terms of binary oppositions. This dissertation reviews the works which have been centered upon binary oppositions, as for instance, in the case of Yucatan, between the Maya and the Dzul—the Yucatec Maya term for white males—and highlights the fact that such works have failed to recognize that within and between each “pole,” or social group there are individuals that have multiple identities, and that do not recognize themselves as belonging to a homogenized “pole.” Instead, these individuals, recognize themselves as belonging to different groups and, therefore, being aware that they have not a single identity but multiple ones. ^ Analogical anthropology is highly criticized because of its emphasis on binary oppositions, its authoritarianism, and the notion of the “Other.” In contrast, dialogical anthropology places great importance on the relationship between the individuals and the anthropologist. A relation in which both, the anthropologist and the subject, are immersed in a dialogue, because of the identification between the writer and the story that is being written. ^ However, anthropologists seem to be more interested in “dialoguing” among themselves rather than with the people that they write about. Indigenous people are relegated, they are voiceless, and, therefore, we keep treating them as “objects,” and not as individuals. This is ironic, precisely because it undermines the aim of the dialogical discourse. ^ In this context, awareness of self-identity or self-identities and the various ways in which Francisco, a good friend and the main character of this dissertation, assumes them, and the way I assume them, within multicultural contexts, leads us along the road to establish and reestablish communication. The methodology is based on four considerations: positioning, fieldwork conversations, self reflexivity and vulnerability. Hence, this dissertation constitutes an attempt to break with authoritarian models of ethnography, it is a dialogue between Francisco and me, a conversation among ourselves. A dialogue that expresses the desire of hearing our voices being echoed by each other. ^

¿Otras independencias? : Los territorios indígenas rioplatenses en la década de 1810

El trabajo reflexiona sobre el impacto del proceso revolucionario rioplatense en los pueblos indígenas que mantenían su soberanía política y territorial en el espacio pampeano y chaqueño. Para ello, es esencial no limitar el estudio al grado de integración o de enfrentamiento de estos pueblos con respecto a los ejércitos patriotas sino intentar una mirada amplia que se inicie con una caracterización de los vínculos interétnicos previos para percibir los cambios y continuidades más generales que pudieran haberse producido.

¿Otras independencias? : Los territorios indígenas rioplatenses en la década de 1810

El trabajo reflexiona sobre el impacto del proceso revolucionario rioplatense en los pueblos indígenas que mantenían su soberanía política y territorial en el espacio pampeano y chaqueño. Para ello, es esencial no limitar el estudio al grado de integración o de enfrentamiento de estos pueblos con respecto a los ejércitos patriotas sino intentar una mirada amplia que se inicie con una caracterización de los vínculos interétnicos previos para percibir los cambios y continuidades más generales que pudieran haberse producido.

¿Otras independencias? : Los territorios indígenas rioplatenses en la década de 1810

El trabajo reflexiona sobre el impacto del proceso revolucionario rioplatense en los pueblos indígenas que mantenían su soberanía política y territorial en el espacio pampeano y chaqueño. Para ello, es esencial no limitar el estudio al grado de integración o de enfrentamiento de estos pueblos con respecto a los ejércitos patriotas sino intentar una mirada amplia que se inicie con una caracterización de los vínculos interétnicos previos para percibir los cambios y continuidades más generales que pudieran haberse producido.

Decolonizing Pedagogies: Interrupting the Settler Colonial Narrative of Landownership in Ontario Social Science and History Curriculum

Drawing upon Ontario Social Science and History curriculum documents and textbook imagery and language, this paper examines how narratives of settler landownership strategically present Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples within the Canadian grand narrative. The curriculum and text material educators and learners are guided by ignore ongoing colonial violence towards Indigenous peoples and perpetuate the ideology of inevitable ‘peaceful’ interrelationships in national contexts. Learners develop identities in relation to land and how land is acquired. They come to understand themselves as part of a just nation in the particular sequence of Canadian Social Science and History teaching and learning. To go beyond simply adding content about Indigenous peoples in the classroom, educators and learners must adapt a decolonial approach to instead learn from Indigenous perspectives. Such a methodology would require the opening of a “third space” where the transmission of western curricular knowledge is interrupted. Educators and learners must create a space for problematizing the source itself and deconstruct the national grand narrative using inquiry, questioning and reflection, rather than repetition and regurgitation. This analysis reveals that particular placements of Indigenous peoples and settler Canadians in curriculum and classroom text material must be challenged by educators and learners to disrupt colonial narratives and to seek ongoing reconciliatory opportunities in and beyond the school walls.

Do Multiculturalism Policies Erode the Welfare State (Working Paper 33)

The past 30 years have witnessed a dramatic change in the way Western democracies deal with ethnic minorities. In the past, ethnic diversity was often seen as a threat to political stability, and minorities were subject to a range of policies intended to assimilate or marginalize them. Today, many Western democracies have adopted a more accommodating approach. This is reflected in the widespread adoption of multiculturalism policies for immigrant groups, the acceptance of territorial autonomy and language rights for national minorities, and the recognition of land claims and selfgovernment rights for indigenous peoples. We refer to these policies as “multiculturalism policies” or MCPs. The adoption of MCPs has been controversial, for two reasons. The first is a philosophical critique, which argues that MCPs are inherently inconsistent with basic liberal-democratic principles. Since the mid-1990s, however, this philosophical debate has been supplemented by a second argument: namely, that MCPs make it more difficult to sustain a robust Welfare State (hereafter WS). Critics worry that such policies erode the interpersonal trust, social solidarity and political coalitions that sustain a strongly redistributive WS. This paper reviews the reasons why critics believe that MCPs weaken political support for redistribution, and then examines empirically whether the adoption of MCPs has, in fact, been associated with erosion of the WS. This examination involves two steps: we develop a taxonomy of MCPs and classify Western democracies as “strong”, “modest” or “weak” in their level of MCPs. We then examine whether the strength of MCPs is associated with the erosion of the WS during the 1980s and 1990s. The evolution of the WS is measured through change in four indicators: social spending as a percentage of GDP; the redistributive impact of taxes and transfers; levels of child poverty; and the level of income inequality. We find no evidence of a consistent relationship between the adoption of MCPs and the erosion of the WS. Our analysis has limits, and we hope it stimulates further research. Nevertheless, the preliminary evidence presented here is clear: the case advanced by critics of MCPs is not supported. The growing ethnic diversity of Western societies has generated pressures for the construction of new and more inclusive forms of citizenship and national identity. The evidence in this paper suggests that debates over the appropriateness of multiculturalism policies as one response to this diversity should not be pre-empted by unsupported fears about their impact on the WS.

El Estado legislando, relevando, mapeando. Una etnografía de la implementación del Programa de Relevamiento Territorial de Comunidades Indígenas en Salta (Argentina)

Tomando como punto de partida mi colaboración en la recolección y la sistematización de datos vinculados al relevamiento territorial en distintas comunidades guaraníes del noroeste salteño, en apoyo al Programa de Relevamiento Territorial de Comunidades Indígenas (Re.Te.CI) y en el marco de la Ley de Emergencia en materia de posesión y propiedad comunitaria indígena (Ley 26.160), el presente artículo describe y analiza distintos momentos de la implementación del programa. Fundamentalmente, exploro las formas particulares que el mismo asumió en la provincia de Salta focalizándome en el Departamento General San Martín, siendo esta la región de mayor diversidad étnica de la provincia. Inspirada en la propuesta de Ferguson y Gupta (2002) de pensar al Estado como “una experiencia vivida” utilizo materiales etnográficos de tres comunidades indígenas donde se aplicó el programa de relevamiento territorial y me centro en una de ellas para pensar las formas que adopta la relación entre el Estado y los pueblos indígenas.

Al rescate de la niñez indígena. Refl exiones antropológicas a partir de una campaña de UNICEF Argentina

En este trabajo abordaremos, desde una perspectiva antropológica, la “campaña por los derechos de la niñez y la adolescencia indígena” lanzada por UNICEF Argentina en 2009, con el fin de problematizar las construcciones de niñez, de la cuestión indígena y de la noción de “derechos” que allí se ponen en juego. Distanciándonos de concepciones ontológicas sobre los derechos humanos, analizaremos esta campaña en tanto dispositivo cuyo efecto es la construcción de los niños indígenas como sujetos de derechos de maneras específi cas. Para ello, indagamos en el modo en que fue ésta elaborada, así como en sus contenidos, procurando explicar qué derechos y qué representaciones de los niños indígenas se visibilizaron a través de ella y las tensiones suscitadas en su proceso de armado y presentación.

Prensa escrita mendocina y construcción identitaria sobre los pueblos originarios de Argentina

En el siguiente trabajo presentamos un estudio multidimensional sobre la conceptualización de los pueblos originarios que han constituido los medios de prensa escrita en Mendoza durante la primera década del siglo XX. Para llevarlo a cabo acudimos al Archivo de Hemeroteca de la Biblioteca General San Martín de la Ciudad de Mendoza, teniendo como referencia al Diario Los Andes, principal periódico de la provincia, creado en 1882 y vigente en la actualidad. El objetivo del estudio es la identificación de las distintas formas de construcción conceptual sobre los pueblos etnográficos del actual territorio argentino que difundió dicho diario, y del modo en que dichos artículos periodísticos jugaron un rol activo en relación con el proceso de construcción de alteridad sociocultural y la legitimación de las políticas etnocidas implementadas por las clases dominantes.

Introduction: dispersed minorities and non-territorial autonomy

The concept of non-territorial autonomy gives rise to at least two important questions: the range of functional areas over which autonomy extends, and the extent to which this autonomy is indeed non-territorial. A widely used early description significantly labelled this ‘national cultural autonomy’, implying that its focus is mainly on cultural matters, such as language, religion, education and family law. In many of the cases that are commonly cited, ‘autonomy’ may not even extend this far: its most visible expression is the existence of separate electoral registers or quotas for the various groups. Part of the dilemma lies in the difficulty of devolving substantial power on a non-territorial basis: to the extent that devolved institutions are state-like, they ideally require a defined territory. Ethnic groups, however, vary in the extent to which they are territorially concentrated, and therefore in the degree to which any autonomous arrangements for them are territorial or non-territorial. This article explores the dilemma generated by this tension between ethnic geography (pattern of ethnic settlement) and political autonomy (degree of selfrule), and introduces a set of case studies where the relationship between these two features is discussed further: the Ottoman empire and its successor states, the Habsburg monarchy, the Jewish minorities of Europe, interwar Estonia, contemporary Belgium, and two indigenous peoples, the Sa´mi in Norway and the Maori in New Zealand.