804 resultados para Geelong Region (Vic.) - Economic conditions - 20th century


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En la década del sesenta en Chile existió una de las oficinas más importantes en el panorama arquitectónico nacional de todo el siglo XX. Sin embargo, su obra no ha llegado a ser lo suficientemente conocida debido a diferentes razones históricas, políticas y gremiales. Esta oficina desarrolló su labor en un período político de consolidación democrática, pero de graves dificultades económicas debido a problemas estructurales, por lo cual, el Estado debió intervenir para llevar adelante los planes de progreso y desarrollo del país. El objetivo del presente trabajo es poner en valor la obra de esta oficina, denominada TAU arquitectos, compuesta por profesionales que desde su juventud presentaron un gran compromiso con la realidad social y un enorme fervor por la arquitectura. Se trata del primer estudio sistemático de la trayectoria de este equipo de profesionales, titulados en la Facultad de Arquitectura de la Universidad de Chile, en los años cincuenta. El análisis sigue un desarrollo de lo general a lo particular, donde en primer término se esboza el ambiente histórico en que se originó la oficina, para luego estudiar aquellos aspectos que influyeron en su etapa formativa, finalizando con el análisis de sus obras en detalle. El estudio de éstas se realiza en orden cronológico, distinguiendo etapas de consolidación y madurez durante el transcurso de su labor disciplinar. La tesis pone de manifiesto que la producción arquitectónica de esta oficina, fue el reflejo de la utilización de una metodología de trabajo que integraba aspectos de la nueva arquitectura con las técnicas locales, por lo cual presenta ciertas condiciones regionalistas y resalta las características y cualidades propias del lugar. Paralelamente, evidencia que la obra de este equipo respondía al sistema productivo del país, atendiendo a las posibilidades constructivas y al saber profesional de esa época. Al mismo tiempo, la tesis intenta develar las raíces y fundamentos que están implícitas en el diseño de la forma arquitectónica, estudiando las condiciones de la lógica estructural y su resistencia antisísmica, resaltando aspectos como la articulación del espacio colectivo, el sutil manejo del programa, la relación con el lugar y la interesante expresión de los materiales. ABSTRACT In Chile, during the decade of the 60´s, there existed one of the most important offices in the national architectural scene of the 20th century. However, their work is not sufficiently known due to different historical, political and trade reasons. This Office developed their work during a political period of democratic consolidation, with serious economic difficulties due to structural problems; therefore, the State had to intervene to take forward the plans for the country’s progress and development. The objective of the essay is to value the work of this Office, called TAU arquitectos, who since their youth showed a great commitment to the social reality and a huge fervor for architecture. This is the first systematic study of the trajectory of this team of professionals, whom graduated in the 1950´s in the University of Chile in the Faculty of Architecture. The analysis follows a general development to the specific details, where at first, the historic atmosphere of the office is defined and then to study the aspects that influenced the formative stage of the architects and to finalize, with a detailed analysis of their work. The study of these is performed in a chronological order, distinguishing the stages of consolidation and maturity, during the course of their disciplined commitment. The thesis shows that the architectural production of TAU was the reflection of the use of a methodology that incorporated aspects of the new architecture with local techniques, which presents certain regional conditions and therefore highlights the characteristics and qualities of the place. In Parallel, proving that the work of this team, responded to the production system of the country, according to the constructive possibilities and the professional knowledge of that time. At the same time, the thesis tries to unveil the roots and fundamentals that are implicit in the design of the architectural form, studying the conditions of a structural logic and its seismic resistance; highlighting aspects such as articulation of the collective space, the subtle handling of the program, the relationship with the place and the interesting expression of materials.

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Actualmente en nuestro planeta producimos 1.300 millones de toneladas de residuos urbanos al año. Si los extendemos sobre la superficie de un cuadrado de lado 100 m (una hectárea) alcanzarían una altura de 146 km. ¿Cuál es el origen de nuestros residuos? ¿A dónde va esta basura? ¿Cómo nos afecta? ¿Tiene alguna utilidad? Se trata de un problema antiguo que, en los últimos tiempos, ha adquirido una nueva dimensión por el tipo y la cantidad de residuos generados. Las primeras preocupaciones de la ciudad por ordenar estos problemas dieron lugar al establecimiento de espacios o lugares específicos para la acumulación de los residuos urbanos: los vertederos. Los desechos hoy se generan más rápidamente que los medios disponibles para reciclarlos o tratarlos. Los vertederos de residuos urbanos son y seguirán siendo, a corto y medio plazo, soluciones válidas por ser un método de gestión relativamente barato, sobre todo en los países en vías de desarrollo. Como consecuencia y necesidad de lo anterior, se plantea demostrar que la recuperación y la transformación de estos vertederos de residuos urbanos (lugares del deterioro), una vez abandonados, es posible y que además pueden dar lugar a nuevos espacios públicos estratégicos de la ciudad contemporánea. Son espacios de oportunidad, vacíos monumentales producto de una reactivación arquitectónica y paisajística realizada a partir de complejos procesos de ingeniería medioambiental. Pero las soluciones aplicadas a los vertederos de residuos urbanos desde mediados del siglo XX se han realizado exclusivamente desde la ingeniería para tratar de resolver cuestiones técnicas, un modelo agotado que ya no puede gestionar la magnitud que este problema ha alcanzado, haciéndose necesaria e inevitable la participación de la arquitectura para abrir nuevas líneas de investigación y de acción. En estos primeros compases del siglo XXI existe una “nueva” preocupación, un “nuevo” interés en los paradigmas de lo ecológico y de la sostenibilidad, también un interés filosófico (que igualmente otorga un nuevo valor al residuo como recurso), que dirigen su mirada hacia un concepto de paisaje abierto y diferente a modelos anteriores más estáticos, recuperando como punto de partida el ideal pintoresco. El landscape urbanism se consolida como una disciplina capaz de dar respuesta a lo natural y artificial simultáneamente, que sustituye a las herramientas tradicionales de la arquitectura para solucionar los problemas de la ciudad contemporánea, incorporando las infraestructuras de gran escala, como un vertedero de residuos urbanos, y los paisajes públicos que generan como el verdadero mecanismo de organización del urbanismo de hoy. No se trata solo de un modelo formal sino, lo que es más importante: de un modelo de procesos. Esta nueva preocupación permite abordar la cuestión del paisaje de manera amplia, sin restricciones, con un alto grado de flexibilidad en las nuevas propuestas que surgen como consecuencia de estos conceptos, si bien los esfuerzos, hasta la fecha, parecen haberse dirigido más hacia el fenómeno de lo estético, quedando todavía por explorar las consecuencias políticas, sociales, económicas y energéticas derivadas de los residuos. También las arquitectónicas. El proyecto del landscape urbanism se ocupa de la superficie horizontal, del plano del suelo. Desde siempre, la preparación de este plano para desarrollar cualquier actividad humana ha sido un gesto fundacional, un gesto propio necesario de toda arquitectura, que además ahora debe considerarlo como un medio o soporte biológicamente activo. En términos contemporáneos, el interés disciplinar radica en la continuidad y en la accesibilidad del suelo, diluyendo los límites; en que funcione a largo plazo, que se anticipe al cambio, a través de la flexibilidad y de la capacidad de negociación, y que sea público. La recuperación de un vertedero de residuos urbanos ofrece todas estas condiciones. Un breve recorrido por la historia revela los primeros ejemplos aislados de recuperación de estos lugares del deterioro, que han pasado por distintas fases en función de la cantidad y el tipo de los desechos producidos, evolucionando gracias a la tecnología y a una nueva mirada sobre el paisaje, hasta desarrollar una verdadera conciencia de lo ecológico (nacimiento de una ideología). El Monte Testaccio en Roma (siglos I-III d.C.) constituye un caso paradigmático y ejemplar de vertedero planificado a priori no solo como lugar en el que depositar los residuos, sino como lugar que será recuperado posteriormente y devuelto a la ciudad en forma de espacio público. Una topografía de desechos generada por acumulación, organizada y planificada durante tres siglos, que nos hace reflexionar sobre los temas de producción, consumo y proyecto arquitectónico. El Monte Testaccio revela una fuente de inspiración, un arquetipo de gestión sostenible de los recursos y del territorio. A través de la experiencia en la recuperación y transformación en espacios públicos de casos contemporáneos, como el antiguo vertedero de Valdemingómez en Madrid o el de El Garraf en Barcelona, se han analizado las técnicas y las soluciones empleadas para establecer nuevas herramientas de proyecto planteadas en clave de futuro, que revelan la importancia de los procesos frente a la forma, en los cuales intervienen muchos factores (tanto naturales como artificiales), entre ellos la vida y el tiempo de la materia viva acumulada. Son lugares para nuevas oportunidades y ejemplos de una nueva relación con la naturaleza. La reactivación de los vertederos de residuos, a través del proyecto, nos propone una nueva topografía construida en el tiempo, el suelo como soporte, como punto de encuentro de la naturaleza y los sistemas tecnológicos de la ciudad que posibilitan nuevos modos de vida y nuevas actividades. Los vertederos de residuos son inmensas topografías naturales surgidas de procesos artificiales, atalayas desde las que divisar un nuevo horizonte, un nuevo mundo, un nuevo futuro donde sea posible lograr la reversibilidad de nuestros actos del deterioro. Pero la voluntad de estas recuperaciones y transformaciones no consiste exclusivamente en su reintegración al paisaje, sino que han servido como muestra de las nuevas actitudes que la sociedad ha de emprender en relación a los temas medio ambientales. ABSTRACT Here on our planet we currently produce 1.3 billion tonnes of urban waste per year. If we were to spread this over a surface of 100m2 (one hectare), it would reach a height of 146km. What is the origin of this waste? Where does our refuse go? How does it affect us? Does it have any uses? We are dealing with an old problem which, in recent times, has taken on a new dimension due to the type of waste and the amount generated. Cities’ first concerns in resolving these problems gave rise to the establishment of areas or specific places for the accumulation of urban waste: landfills. These days, waste is generated more quickly than the available resources can recycle or process it. Urban waste landfills are and will continue to be, in the short and mid-term, valid solutions, given that they constitute a relatively cheap method for waste management, especially in developing countries. Consequently and necessarily, we plan to demonstrate that it is possible to recover and transform these urban waste landfills (areas of deterioration) once they have been abandoned and that they can give rise to new strategic public areas in contemporary cities. They are areas of opportunity, monumental vacancies produced by an architectural reactivation of the landscape, which is achieved using complex processes of environmental engineering. But the solutions applied to urban waste landfills throughout the 20th century have used engineering exclusively in the attempt to resolve the technical aspects. This is a worn-out model which can no longer handle the magnitude which the problem has attained and therefore, there is an inevitable need for the participation of architecture, which can open new lines of research and action. In these first steps into the 21st century, there is a “new” concern, a “new” interest in the paradigms of environmentalism and sustainability. There is also a philosophical interest (which assigns the new value of ‘resource’ to waste) and all is aimed towards the concept of an open landscape, unlike the previous, more static models, and the intention is to recover picturesque ideals as the starting point. Landscape urbanism has been established as a discipline capable of simultaneously responding to the natural and the artificial, replacing the traditional tools of architecture in order to resolve contemporary cities’ problems. It incorporates large scale infrastructures, such as urban waste landfills, and public landscapes which are generated as the true organisational mechanism of modern day urbanism. It is not merely a formal model, it is more important than that: it is a model of processes. This new concern allows us to address the matter of landscape in a broad way, without restrictions, and with a great degree of flexibility in the new proposals which come about as a consequence of these concepts. However, efforts to date seem to have been more directed at aesthetic aspects and we have yet to explore the political, social, economic and energetic consequences derived from waste – nor have we delved into the architectural consequences. The landscape urbanism project is involved with the horizontal surface, the ground plane. Traditionally, the preparation of this plane for the development of any human activity has been a foundational act, a necessary act of all architecture, but now this plane must be considered as a biologically active medium or support. In contemporary terms, the discipline’s interest lies in the continuity and accessibility of the land, diffusing the limits; in long term functionality; in the anticipation of change, via flexibility and the ability to negotiate; and in it being a public space. The recovery of an urban waste landfill offers all of these conditions. A brief look through history reveals the first isolated examples of recovery of these spaces of deterioration. They have gone through various phases based on the quantity and type of waste produced, they have evolved thanks to technology and a new outlook on the landscape, and a real environmental awareness has been developed (the birth of an ideology). Monte Testaccio in Rome (1st to 3rd Century AD) constitutes a paradigmatic and exemplary case of a landfill that was planned a priori not only as a place to deposit waste but also as a place that would be subsequently recovered and given back to the city in the form of a public space. This spoil mound, generated by organised and planned accumulation over three centuries, makes us reflect on the themes of production, consumption and architectural planning. Monte Testaccio reveals a source of inspiration, an archetype of the sustainable management of resources and land. Using our experience of contemporary cases of land recovery and its transformation into public spaces, such as the former Valdemingómez landfill in Madrid or the Garraf in Barcelona, we analysed the techniques and solutions used in order to establish new project tools. These are proposed with an eye on the future, seeing as they reveal the importance of the processes over the form and involve many factors (both natural and artificial), including the life and age of the accumulated living matter. They are places for new opportunities and examples of our new relationship with nature. The reactivation of landfills, via this project, is a proposal for a new topography built within time, using the ground as the support, as the meeting point between nature and the technological systems of the city which make it possible for new ways of life and new activities to come about. Landfills are immense natural topographical areas produced by artificial processes, watchtowers from which to discern a new horizon, a new world, a new future in which it will be possible to reverse our acts of deterioration. But the intention behind these recoveries and transformations does not only hope for landscape reintegration but it also hopes that they will also serve as a sign of the new attitudes that must be adopted by society with regard to environmental matters.

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El Anillo Verde metropolitano, definido por el Plan General de Ordenación Urbana del Área Metropolitana de Madrid en 1963 siguiendo los modelos planteados por la cultura urbanística internacional, como armadura de la estructura urbana del AMM, espacio protagonista dentro del sistema de espacios libres, lugar de uso público destinado al recreo y contacto con la naturaleza de la población madrileña, se convierte en realidad en una reserva de suelo que va entrando en juego motivado por las alianzas entre el poder institucional y la clase social dominante actuando al margen del planeamiento, poniendo en evidencia la escasez de recursos legales y culturales disponibles para la salvaguarda de los intereses comunes y, donde los condicionantes geográficos y naturales del territorio madrileño han influido decisivamente en la especialización funcional y espacial del Área Metropolitana de Madrid. Así pues considerando esta idea como HIPÓTESIS, el objetivo de la TESIS sería demostrarla, para lo cual se hace necesario primero, acotar espacial y temporalmente el objeto de estudio, es decir, del Anillo Verde metropolitano1, segundo, contextualizar histórica y disciplinarmente los presupuestos teóricos que conformaban la idea del Anillo Verde, tercero, reconocer, localizar y documentar las piezas que han ido materializando la ocupación urbana del Anillo Verde, clasificándolas según parámetros temporales, funcionales, urbanísticos y, formales, lo que permite analizar la geografía, uso, instrumentación y forma de su transformación a escala general metropolitana y, cuarto, profundizar a modo de comprobación a escala municipal y urbana en dos escenarios representativos del conjunto metropolitano: el municipio de Pozuelo de Alarcón y el distrito de Hortaleza-Barajas. El contenido del documento se divide en tres bloques, el bloque I, se centra en las bases teóricas, el bloque II sitúa el hilo argumental de la tesis a escala metropolitana y el bloque III comprueba el fenómeno a escala municipal y urbana. De esta forma, se comienza por la comprensión del significado del concepto del Anillo Verde, que va más allá de la dimensión instrumental asignada de límite y contención urbana frente al crecimiento de la ciudad industrial de principios del siglo XX, basada en la descentralización de la ciudad tradicional, para adquirir un significado más complejo, como gran espacio de reserva y salvaguarda de valores naturales y culturales que se expresaban en su territorio y que permitirían alcanzar el equilibrio entre la ciudad y sus habitantes, es decir, entre el hombre y el espacio que habita. Se hace un recorrido por las principales corrientes urbanísticas que se van nutriendo de distintas disciplinas (economía, sociología, geografía, biología, ecología) para plantear teorías que permitieran materializar un nuevo orden urbano según principios de equidad social, económica y ambiental, en una secuencia donde Europa y Estados Unidos realizaban un constante intercambio -el movimiento de la Ciudad Jardín o el Regionalismo, que dieron paso a propuestas como el Greater London o el Gran Berlín, donde la figura del Anillo Verde tenía un papel protagonista, y del que también participaría nuestro país y la ciudad de Madrid, con modelos regionales como el Plan Besteiro y urbanos como el Plan Bidagor, antecedentes directos del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana del Área Metropolitana de Madrid de 1963 que pone en marcha la ordenación del crecimiento metropolitano de Madrid. El hilo argumental de la tesis se organiza en una doble aproximación: un acercamiento a escala metropolitana a partir del reconocimiento del modelo de ciudad definido en los distintos planes generales que acompañaron el desarrollo metropolitano (municipio de Madrid y de los siete términos municipales que rodeaban a este y que tenían suelo destinado a Anillo Verde), haciendo referencia además a las relaciones con el planeamiento regional, concretando en una escala de aproximación municipal que avanza hasta la interpretación urbana detallada. El primer acercamiento tiene lugar en el bloque II y se organiza en tres capítulos. El capítulo 4 se dedica al punto obligado de partida de la geografía local, describiendo las características biofísicas de los terrenos que formaban parte del Anillo Verde, que han marcado históricamente la forma de aprovechamiento del territorio, desde las extensiones de bosques mediterráneos al norte y al oeste continuación del Monte del Pardo, a los distintos tipos de cultivo que se adaptaban al sustrato geológico y la forma del terreno (de las suaves ondulaciones de sedimentos arcósicos al norte a las extensas plataformas arenosas y yesíferas del sur), además de las zonas de huertos aprovechando las depresiones y los cursos de agua (arroyo del Monte Carmelo, arroyo de Valdebebas, arroyo del Quinto, arroyo del Santo, arroyo Butarque, arroyo Meaques y arroyo Pozuelo). Una vez reconocida la realidad física, el capítulo 5, avanza en la descripción de los distintos modelos de ciudad propuestos desde el planeamiento urbanístico, en sus distintas escalas, la regional y la municipal, como respuesta a la coyuntura social, económica y política que ha caracterizado el proceso de ocupación del Anillo Verde al compás de la construcción del AMM. Se han reunido las propuestas de planeamiento municipal de los distintos municipios que disponían de terreno calificado como Anillo Verde: Madrid, Coslada, Getafe, Leganés, Alcorcón, Boadilla del Monte y Pozuelo de Alarcón. Además se han incorporado las distintas propuestas de ordenación territorial que han servido de referencia al planeamiento municipal, en todas sus versiones, desde las sectoriales, de mayor éxito y apoyo institucional, a los distintos intentos de ordenación integral, de mayor complejidad pero de menor calado, precisamente por la dificultad de consenso entre la ordenación física y el desarrollo económico, entre los intereses privados y el beneficio público. El primer horizonte, comienza con la formulación del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana del Área Metropolitana de Madrid de 1963, su desarrollo y la puesta en marcha de los primeros planes municipales en la década de los años setenta, donde se comprueba la necesidad de un marco regional que “ordene” el territorio de forma integral y sirva de referencia a las actuaciones sectoriales que habían marcado el primer desarrollo metropolitano. El segundo, se sitúa dos décadas más tarde con la aprobación del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana de Madrid de 1985 y el conjunto de planes municipales de los términos limítrofes, que siguen su filosofía de austeridad en cuanto a crecimiento territorial. El tercero se inicia en 1997 con la siguiente generación de planes de corte neoliberal que imponen un modelo territorial basado en las grandes operaciones metropolitanas de centralidad, infraestructuras y equipamiento, que consumen de forma indiscriminada la totalidad del territorio madrileño. Será en el último capítulo del segundo bloque (capítulo 6) donde se represente gráficamente a escala metropolitana y se analicen las 229 piezas que han ido colmatando el espacio destinado a Anillo Verde, según los parámetros de estudio, en base a las cuales se plantean las primeras conclusiones generales de la tesis, poniendo de manifiesto que las alianzas entre los agentes soberanos en la construcción de la ciudad y su entorno han trasgredido sucesivamente las determinaciones del Planeamiento en su definición de modelo de ciudad y territorio, acusando la carencia de recursos instrumentales y jurídicos que alentaron el proceso de su desmantelamiento, y revelando la influencia de los condicionantes geográficos y naturales en la especialización funcional y segregación social en el conjunto del Área Metropolitana de Madrid. Se remata el discurso metropolitano con una batería de conclusiones que interpretan el fenómeno de ocupación del anillo de verdor metropolitano confirmando las hipótesis iniciales, reconociendo los valores medioambientales y culturales trasgredidos, sus diversos actores, las numerosas operaciones urbanísticas desarrolladas con distintos usos y envergadura, así como los instrumentos de planeamiento utilizados, en base a las cuales se materializa la construcción del AMM según un modelo extendido (spread), dibujando una mancha de aceite (o grase-spots según Geddes) que precisamente había querido evitarse desde el planeamiento urbanístico con la definición de un Anillo Verde, espacio inmune a la edificación, que se aleja de su papel estructurante (equilibrador entre la ciudad y sus habitantes) para convertirse en armadura de la estructura comunicativa, que una vez consolidada se convierte en la mejor aliada de la máquina inmobiliaria. El último paso, se desarrolla en el bloque III que se divide en los capítulo 7,8 y 9 y supone la comprobación de lo descrito en el conjunto de escala metropolitana, en dos aspectos fundamentales, la falta de consideración por los valores culturales y medioambientales que han modelado el territorio, imprimiéndole un carácter singular y específico y, la estructura del dominio del suelo, donde se reconoce de forma precisa el grupo social y los agentes encargados en cada momento de comercializar los suelos del anillo, que bajo el paraguas de la urgencia social y el engañoso beneficio popular, obtienen importantes beneficios económicos. Con esa intención, se da un salto hacia la escala municipal y urbana, seleccionando dos escenarios de estudio, el municipio de Pozuelo de Alarcón, que representa la materialización del crecimiento suburbano de la élite madrileña ocupando las zonas de mayor valor ecológico del anillo, y el distrito de Hortaleza-Barajas que ofrece su territorio a las grandes operaciones metropolitanas, apoyándose en el eje de actividad marcado por la conexión Madrid-Barcelona y el sistema aeroportuario de escala global, ambos situados al norte de la línea de borde entre la Sierra y la Mancha, ocupando por tanto los lugares más valiosos de la geografía madrileña (estructura funcional anticipada por Bidagor en 1946 en su modelo de ciudad adaptada al territorio madrileño) Una vez descrito este proceso trasgresor de límites, de normas, de conductas, y desde una perspectiva del fenómeno suficientemente documentada, en el capítulo 10, se realiza una reflexión sobre la incidencia real de la propuesta urbanística del Anillo Verde en la construcción del AMM, de la misma forma que se sugieren nuevos roles al planeamiento en un formato intencionado de largo recorrido en oposición a lo inmediato y circunstancial, que permita hacer una nueva lectura de los presupuestos teóricos que conformaban la idea del Anillo Verde, espacio articulador (medioambiental, social y cultural) del territorio madrileño. ABSTRACT The Metropolitan Greenbelt was defined by the 1963 Master Plan for the Madrid Metropolitan Area (MMA), following established international models of urban development, as the structural framework of the MMA, the principal open space within its network of open spaces and a public area of recreation and contact with nature for the residents of Madrid. In reality, however, it ha become a reserve of land in which various alliances between the institutional authorities and the dominant social class have been operating on the margin of the original plan, exposing a scarcity of legal and cultural resources for the safeguarding of common interests, and in which the geographical and natural characteristics of the territory itself have come to play an influential role in the functional specialization and spatial segregation of the MMA. With that idea as its HYPOTHESIS, the aim of this THESIS is to demonstrate its reality. The first step in this is to delineate, temporally and spatially, the object of study; i.e. the Metropolitan Greenbelt2. The second is to contextualize historically and disciplinarily those theoretical ideas which conform to the greenbelt concept. The third is to acknowledge, locate and document the elements which have characterized the urban occupation of the Greenbelt and classify these according to the parameters of time, function, urban development and form, which in turn would enable the geography, use, instrumentation and form of its transformation to be analysed on a general metropolitan scale. The fourth step, as a method of verification, is an in-depth analysis of two representative settings within the metropolitan network: the municipality of Pozuelo de Alarcón and the Hortaleza-Barajas district. The content of the document is divided into three parts. Part I focuses on the study’s theoretical foundations, Part II establishes a line of argument at the metropolitan level and Part III examines the phenomenon from a municipal and urban perspective. The thesis, then, begins with a study of the greenbelt concept itself and its meaning, which is far more complex than the accepted instrumental dimension of limiting and containing urbanization in response to the growth of the industrial city of the early 20th century, and which is based on a decentralization of the traditional city. This wider purpose is the setting aside of a large reserved space to safeguard the natural and cultural values of the region and thereby achieve a balance between the city and its residents; that is to say, between man and the space he inhabits. The principal currents of thought in urban planning will then be examined. These have drawn upon a variety of disciplines (economics, sociology, geography, biology, ecology) to develop theories for establishing a new urban order according to the principles of social, economic and environmental equity, and have involved a constant interchange between Europe and the United States. Thus, the City Garden and Regionalist movements would clear the way for proposals such as Greater London and Great Berlin, Chicago and Washington, in which the greenbelt would play a fundamental role. The participation of our own country and the city of Madrid is also discussed, through regional models such as the Besteiro Plan and urban ones like the Bidagor Plan, direct forerunners of 1963’s General Organizational Plan for the Madrid Metropolitan Area, which would set into motion the organization of Madrid’s metropolitan growth. The line of argument followed in this thesis is two-fold: first, an examination of metropolitan development in keeping with the city model as defined in the various General Plans for the development of both the municipality of Madrid and the seven surrounding municipalities which have land designated for its Greenbelt; and second, an examination of this growth in relation to Regional Planning measures, is detailed on a smaller scale (municipal and district), where the conditioning factors affecting the land property structure and the network of biophysical units may be analysed in depth. The first of these is dealt with in Part II and organized into three chapters (4, 5 and 6). Chapter 4 is dedicated to the obligatory starting point of the geographical setting itself. The biophysical characteristics of the territories set aside for the Greenbelt, and which historically have played a role in the area’s exploitation, are described here. These range from expanses of Mediterranean woodland to the north and west of Monte del Pardo to the various types of farmland that have been adapted to the geological substratum and the contours of the terrain (gentle undulations of arkosic sediment in the north, and wide sandy and gypsiferous tableland in the south), as well as orchards planted in low valleys and along watercourses (the creeks of Monte Carmelo, Valdebebas, Quinto, Santo, Butarque, Meaques and Pozuelo). Once this physical reality ha been detailed, in Chapter 5 will examine the various city models proposed by urban planners, both regionally and municipally, in response to the confluence of social, economic and political interests that have characterized the process of occupation in the Greenbelt area during the construction of the MMA. Municipal planning proposals will be collected and examined for the various municipalities which have land designated for the Greenbelt: Madrid, Coslada, Getafe, Leganés, Alcorcón, Boadilla del Monte and Pozuelo de Alarcón. Furthermore, the various territorial organization proposals which have served as references for municipal planning will also be addressed here, in all of their versions –from the sectorial, which have met with more success and institutional approval, to the many attempts at integration, which have been more complex but less influential, precisely for the difficulty of reconciling physical organization with economic development, and private interest with public benefit. The first period in this process was the development of the General Plan of 1963, followed by the first municipal development plans of the 1970s, in which the need for a regional framework that “organized” the territory in an integral fashion was defined. This would serve as a reference for the sectorial actions that marked the metropolitan area’s initial development. The second came two decades later with the approval of the General Plan of 1985, and the network of municipal plans for the surrounding communities, which followed the same philosophy of austerity with regard to territorial growth. The third would begin to take form in 1997, as a new generation of neo-liberal development plans imposed a territorial model based on centralized large-scale metropolitan operations of infrastructure and equipment, which would indiscriminately consume the totality of Madrid’s land. At the end of the Part II, in Chapter 6, the metropolitan area will be represented graphically and the 229 pieces that have been gradually encroaching upon land designated for the Greenbelt will be analysed. This analysis will be carried out according to the parameters defined for the study, and the first general conclusions of the thesis will be based on its findings. It will show how alliances between the various governing authorities in the construction of the city and its environment have successively violated established plans with regard to the definitions of city and territory, how shortages of instrumental and judicial resources have accentuated the dismantling process, and how natural and geographical factors have influenced functional specialization and social segregation in the Madrid Metropolitan Area. The final step, detailed in Part III, will address two fundamental aspects of what has just been described: the lack of consideration for the cultural and environmental values which have shaped this territory and imprinted upon it a specific and unique character; and the structure of land domination, with a precise identification of the social group and agents responsible at each stage of the Greenbelt’s commercialization, who, under an umbrella of social urgency and deceptive public benefit, have used it to obtain substantial financial rewards. For this purpose, a closer look is taken at two specific areas: the municipality of Pozuelo de Alarcón, representative of the suburban growth of an elite population which has occupied the Greenbelt areas of the greatest ecological value; and the Hortaleza-Barajas district, which has offered its territory to large metropolitan business interests, based on activities centred on the connection between Madrid and Barcelona and the system of international air travel. Both of these settings are located to the north of the line which divides the Sierra from La Mancha, and thus occupy the most valuable land in the Madrid region (a functional structure anticipated by Bidagor in 1946, with his city model adapted to the territory of Madrid). Finally, an attempt will be made to interpret the phenomenon of metropolitan Greenbelt occupation, confirming initial hypotheses, specifying the environmental and cultural values that have been violated, and identifying the various players involved, as well as numerous urbanization operations of varying sizes and interests, and the instruments of planning they have used. It will be seen from this that the construction of the MMA has in fact followed a “spread” model, a “grease spot” (as Geddes calls it) which, from the outset of the planning process and according to the definition of a greenbelt as a construction-free zone, was precisely to be avoided. This structural role (to provide a balance between a city and its residents) has thus been abandoned and the Greenbelt converted instead into a communicative framework which, once consolidated, has become the greatest ally of the real estate machine. After this process of violating limits, norms and established behaviour has been described and solidly documented, a reflection will be made on the real influence of the Greenbelt proposal in the construction of the MMA. At the same time, new roles will be suggested for future planning, roles which are deliberate and long term, in opposition to the immediate and circumstantial. This will enable a new interpretation of the theoretical principles behind the greenbelt concept, a space designed to connect the territory of Madrid environmentally, socially and culturally.

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El nitrógeno (N) y el fósforo (P) son nutrientes esenciales en la producción de cultivos. El desarrollo de los fertilizantes de síntesis durante el siglo XX permitió una intensificación de la agricultura y un aumento de las producciones pero a su vez el gran input de nutrientes ha resultado en algunos casos en sistemas poco eficientes incrementando las pérdidas de estos nutrientes al medio ambiente. En el caso del P, este problema se agrava debido a la escasez de reservas de roca fosfórica necesaria para la fabricación de fertilizantes fosfatados. La utilización de residuos orgánicos en agricultura como fuente de N y P es una buena opción de manejo que permite valorizar la gran cantidad de residuos que se generan. Sin embargo, es importante conocer los procesos que se producen en el suelo tras la aplicación de los mismos, ya que influyen en la disponibilidad de nutrientes que pueden ser utilizados por el cultivo así como en las pérdidas de nutrientes de los agrosistemas que pueden ocasionar problemas de contaminación. Aunque la dinámica del N en el suelo ha sido más estudiada que la del P, los problemas importantes de contaminación por nitratos en zonas vulnerables hacen necesaria la evaluación de aquellas prácticas de manejo que pudieran agravar esta situación, y en el caso de los residuos orgánicos, la evaluación de la respuesta agronómica y medioambiental de la aplicación de materiales con un alto contenido en N (como los residuos procedentes de la industria vinícola y alcoholera). En cuanto al P, debido a la mayor complejidad de su ciclo y de las reacciones que ocurren en el suelo, hay un mayor desconocimiento de los factores que influyen en su dinámica en los sistemas suelo-planta, lo que supone nuevas oportunidades de estudio en la evaluación del uso agrícola de los residuos orgánicos. Teniendo en cuenta los conocimientos previos sobre cada nutriente así como las necesidades específicas en el estudio de los mismos, en esta Tesis se han evaluado: (1) el efecto de la aplicación de residuos procedentes de la industria vinícola y alcoholera en la dinámica del N desde el punto de vista agronómico y medioambiental en una zona vulnerable a la contaminación por nitratos; y (2) los factores que influyen en la disponibilidad de P en el suelo tras la aplicación de residuos orgánicos. Para ello se han llevado a cabo incubaciones de laboratorio así como ensayos de campo que permitieran evaluar la dinámica de estos nutrientes en condiciones reales. Las incubaciones de suelo en condiciones controladas de humedad y temperatura para determinar el N mineralizado se utilizan habitualmente para estimar la disponibilidad de N para el cultivo así como el riesgo medioambiental. Por ello se llevó a cabo una incubación en laboratorio para conocer la velocidad de mineralización de N de un compost obtenido a partir de residuos de la industria vinícola y alcoholera, ampliamente distribuida en Castilla-La Mancha, región con problemas importantes de contaminación de acuíferos por nitratos. Se probaron tres dosis crecientes de compost correspondientes a 230, 460 y 690 kg de N total por hectárea que se mezclaron con un suelo franco arcillo arenoso de la zona. La evolución del N mineral en el suelo a lo largo del tiempo se ajustó a un modelo de regresión no lineal, obteniendo valores bajos de N potencialmente mineralizable y bajas contantes de mineralización, lo que indica que se trata de un material resistente a la mineralización y con una lenta liberación de N en el suelo, mineralizándose tan solo 1.61, 1.33 y 1.21% del N total aplicado con cada dosis creciente de compost (para un periodo de seis meses). Por otra parte, la mineralización de N tras la aplicación de este material también se evaluó en condiciones de campo, mediante la elaboración de un balance de N durante dos ciclos de cultivo (2011 y 2012) de melón bajo riego por goteo, cultivo y manejo agrícola muy característicos de la zona de estudio. Las constantes de mineralización obtenidas en el laboratorio se ajustaron a las temperaturas reales en campo para predecir el N mineralizado en campo durante el ciclo de cultivo del melón, sin embargo este modelo generalmente sobreestimaba el N mineralizado observado en campo, por la influencia de otros factores no tenidos en cuenta para obtener esta predicción, como el N acumulado en el suelo, el efecto de la planta o las fluctuaciones de temperatura y humedad. Tanto el ajuste de los datos del laboratorio al modelo de mineralización como las predicciones del mismo fueron mejores cuando se consideraba el efecto de la mezcla suelo-compost que cuando se aislaba el N mineralizado del compost, mostrando la importancia del efecto del suelo en la mineralización del N procedente de residuos orgánicos. Dado que esta zona de estudio ha sido declarada vulnerable a la contaminación por nitratos y cuenta con diferentes unidades hidrológicas protegidas, en el mismo ensayo de campo con melón bajo riego por goteo se evaluó el riesgo de contaminación por nitratos tras la aplicación de diferentes dosis de compost bajo dos regímenes de riego, riego ajustado a las necesidades del cultivo (90 ó 100% de la evapotranspiración del cultivo (ETc)) o riego excedentario (120% ETc). A lo largo del ciclo de cultivo se estimó semanalmente el drenaje mediante la realización de un balance hídrico, así como se tomaron muestras de la solución de suelo y se determinó su concentración de nitratos. Para evaluar el riesgo de contaminación de las aguas subterráneas asociado con estas prácticas, se utilizaron algunos índices medioambientales para determinar la variación en la calidad del agua potable (Índice de Impacto (II)) y en la concentración de nitratos del acuífero (Índice de Impacto Ambiental (EII)). Para combinar parámetros medioambientales con parámetros de producción, se calculó la eficiencia de manejo. Se observó que la aplicación de compost bajo un régimen de riego ajustado no aumentaba el riesgo de contaminación de las aguas subterráneas incluso con la aplicación de la dosis más alta. Sin embargo, la aplicación de grandes cantidades de compost combinada con un riego excedentario supuso un incremento en el N lixiviado a lo largo del ciclo de cultivo, mientras que no se obtuvieron mayores producciones con respecto al riego ajustado. La aplicación de residuos de la industria vinícola y alcoholera como fuente de P fue evaluada en suelos calizos caracterizados por una alta capacidad de retención de P, lo cual en algunos casos limita la disponibilidad de este nutriente. Para ello se llevó a cabo otro ensayo de incubación con dos suelos de diferente textura, con diferente contenido de carbonato cálcico, hierro y con dos niveles de P disponible; a los que se aplicaron diferentes materiales procedentes de estas industrias (con y sin compostaje previo) aportando diferentes cantidades de P. A lo largo del tiempo se analizó el P disponible del suelo (P Olsen) así como el pH y el carbono orgánico disuelto. Al final de la incubación, con el fin de estudiar los cambios producidos por los diferentes residuos en el estado del P del suelo se llevó a cabo un fraccionamiento del P inorgánico del suelo, el cual se separó en P soluble y débilmente enlazado (NaOH-NaCl-P), P soluble en reductores u ocluido en los óxidos de Fe (CBD-P) y P poco soluble precipitado como Ca-P (HCl-P); y se determinó la capacidad de retención de P así como el grado de saturación de este elemento en el suelo. En este ensayo se observó que, dada la naturaleza caliza de los suelos, la influencia de la cantidad de P aplicado con los residuos en el P disponible sólo se producía al comienzo del periodo de incubación, mientras que al final del ensayo el incremento en el P disponible del suelo se igualaba independientemente del P aplicado con cada residuo, aumentando el P retenido en la fracción menos soluble con el aumento del P aplicado. Por el contrario, la aplicación de materiales orgánicos menos estabilizados y con un menor contenido en P, produjo un aumento en las formas de P más lábiles debido a una disolución del P retenido en la fracción menos lábil, lo cual demostró la influencia de la materia orgánica en los procesos que controlan el P disponible en el suelo. La aplicación de residuos aumentó el grado de saturación de P de los suelos, sin embargo los valores obtenidos no superaron los límites establecidos que indican un riesgo de contaminación de las aguas. La influencia de la aplicación de residuos orgánicos en las formas de P inorgánico y orgánico del suelo se estudió además en un suelo ácido de textura areno francosa tras la aplicación en campo a largo plazo de estiércol vacuno y de compost obtenido a partir de biorresiduos, así como la aplicación combinada de compost y un fertilizante mineral (superfosfato tripe), en una rotación de cultivos. En muestras de suelo recogidas 14 años después del establecimiento del experimento en campo, se determinó el P soluble y disponible, la capacidad de adsorción de P, el grado de saturación de P así como diferentes actividades enzimáticas (actividad deshidrogenasa, fosfatasa ácida y fosfatasa alcalina). Las diferentes formas de P orgánico en el suelo se estudiaron mediante una técnica de adición de enzimas con diferentes substratos específicos a extractos de suelo de NaOH-EDTA, midiendo el P hidrolizado durante un periodo de incubación por colorimetría. Las enzimas utilizadas fueron la fosfatasa ácida, la nucleasa y la fitasa las cuales permitieron identificar monoésteres hidrolizables (monoester-like P), diésteres (DNA-like P) e inositol hexaquifosfato (Ins6P-like P). La aplicación a largo plazo de residuos orgánicos aumentó el P disponible del suelo proporcionalmente al P aplicado con cada tipo de fertilización, suponiendo un mayor riesgo de pérdidas de P dado el alto grado de saturación de este suelo. La aplicación de residuos orgánicos aumentó el P orgánico del suelo resistente a la hidrólisis enzimática, sin embargo no influyó en las diferentes formas de P hidrolizable por las enzimas en comparación con las observadas en el suelo sin enmendar. Además, las diferentes formas de P orgánico aplicadas con los residuos orgánicos no se correspondieron con las analizadas en el suelo lo cual demostró que éstas son el resultado de diferentes procesos en el suelo mediados por las plantas, los microorganismos u otros procesos abióticos. En este estudio se encontró una correlación entre el Ins6P-like P y la actividad microbiana (actividad deshidrogenasa) del suelo, lo cual refuerza esta afirmación. Por último, la aplicación de residuos orgánicos como fuente de N y P en la agricultura se evaluó agronómicamente en un escenario real. Se estableció un experimento de campo para evaluar el compost procedente de residuos de bodegas y alcoholeras en el mismo cultivo de melón utilizado en el estudio de la mineralización y lixiviación de N. En este experimento se estudió la aplicación de tres dosis de compost: 1, 2 y 3 kg de compost por metro lineal de plantación correspondientes a 7, 13 y 20 t de compost por hectárea respectivamente; y se estudió el efecto sobre el crecimiento de las plantas, la acumulación de N y P en la planta, así como la producción y calidad del cultivo. La aplicación del compost produjo un ligero incremento en la biomasa vegetal acompañado por una mejora significativa de la producción con respecto a las parcelas no enmendadas, obteniéndose la máxima producción con la aplicación de 2 kg de compost por metro lineal. Aunque los efectos potenciales del N y P fueron parcialmente enmascarados por otras entradas de estos nutrientes en el sistema (alta concentración de nitratos en el agua de riego y ácido fosfórico suministrado por fertirrigación), se observó una mayor acumulación de P uno de los años de estudio que resultó en un aumento en el número de frutos en las parcelas enmendadas. Además, la mayor acumulación de N y P disponible en el suelo al final del ciclo de cultivo indicó el potencial uso de estos materiales como fuente de estos nutrientes. ABSTRACT Nitrogen (N) and phosphorus (P) are essential nutrients in crop production. The development of synthetic fertilizers during the 20th century allowed an intensification of the agriculture increasing crop yields but in turn the great input of nutrients has resulted in some cases in inefficient systems with higher losses to the environment. Regarding P, the scarcity of phosphate rock reserves necessary for the production of phosphate fertilizers aggravates this problem. The use of organic wastes in agriculture as a source of N and P is a good option of management that allows to value the large amount of wastes generated. However, it is important to understand the processes occurring in the soil after application of these materials, as they affect the availability of nutrients that can be used by the crop and the nutrient losses from agricultural systems that can cause problems of contamination. Although soil N dynamic has been more studied than P, the important concern of nitrate pollution in Nitrate Vulnerable Zones requires the evaluation of those management practices that could aggravate this situation, and in the case of organic wastes, the evaluation of the agronomic and environmental response after application of materials with a high N content (such as wastes from winery and distillery industries). On the other hand, due to the complexity of soil P cycle and the reactions that occur in soil, there is less knowledge about the factors that can influence its dynamics in the soil-plant system, which means new opportunities of study regarding the evaluation of the agricultural use of organic wastes. Taking into account the previous knowledge of each nutrient and the specific needs of study, in this Thesis we have evaluated: (1) the effect of the application of wastes from the winery and distillery industries on N dynamics from the agronomic and environmental viewpoint in a vulnerable zone; and (2) the factors that influence P availability in soils after the application of organic wastes. With this purposes, incubations were carried out in laboratory conditions as well as field trials that allow to assess the dynamic of these nutrients in real conditions. Soil incubations under controlled moisture and temperature conditions to determine N mineralization are commonly used to estimate N availability for crops together with the environmental risk. Therefore, a laboratory incubation was conducted in order to determine the N mineralization rate of a compost made from wastes generated in the winery and distillery industries, widely distributed in Castilla-La Mancha, a region with significant problems of aquifers contamination by nitrates. Three increasing doses of compost corresponding to 230, 460 and 690 kg of total N per hectare were mixed with a sandy clay loam soil collected in this area. The evolution of mineral N in soil over time was adjusted to a nonlinear regression model, obtaining low values of potentially mineralizable N and low constants of mineralization, indicating that it is a material resistant to mineralization with a slow release of N, with only 1.61, 1.33 and 1.21% of total N applied being mineralized with each increasing dose of compost (for a period of six months). Furthermore, N mineralization after the application of this material was also evaluated in field conditions by carrying out a N balance during two growing seasons (2011 and 2012) of a melon crop under drip irrigation, a crop and management very characteristic of the area of study. The mineralization constants obtained in the laboratory were adjusted to the actual temperatures observed in the field to predict N mineralized during each growing season, however, this model generally overestimated the N mineralization observed in the field, because of the influence of other factors not taken into account for this prediction, as N accumulated in soil, the plant effect or the fluctuations of temperature and moisture. The fitting of the laboratory data to the model as well as the predictions of N mineralized in the field were better when considering N mineralized from the soil-compost mixture rather than when N mineralized from compost was isolated, underlining the important role of the soil on N mineralization from organic wastes. Since the area of study was declared vulnerable to nitrate pollution and is situated between different protected hydrological units, the risk of nitrate pollution after application of different doses compost was evaluated in the same field trial with melon under two irrigation regimes, irrigation adjusted to the crop needs (90 or 100% of the crop evapotranspiration (ETc)) or excedentary irrigation (120% ETc). Drainage was estimated weekly throughout the growing season by conducting a water balance, samples of the soil solution were taken and the concentration of nitrates was determined. To assess the risk of groundwater contamination associated with these practices, some environmental indices were used to determine the variation in the quality of drinking water (Impact Index (II)) and the nitrates concentration in the groundwater (Environmental Impact Index (EII)). To combine environmental parameters together with yield parameters, the Management Efficiency was calculated. It was observed that the application of compost under irrigation adjusted to the plant needs did not represent a higher risk of groundwater contamination even with the application of the highest doses. However, the application of large amounts of compost combined with an irrigation surplus represented an increase of N leaching during the growing season compared with the unamended plots, while no additional yield with respect to the adjusted irrigation strategy is obtained. The application of wastes derived from the winery and distillery industry as source of P was evaluated in calcareous soils characterized by a high P retention capacity, which in some cases limits the availability of this nutrient. Another incubation experiment was carried out using two soils with different texture, different calcium carbonate and iron contents and two levels of available P; to which different materials from these industries (with and without composting) were applied providing different amounts of P. Soil available P (Olsen P), pH and dissolved organic carbon were analyzed along time. At the end of the incubation, in order to study the changes in soil P status caused by the different residues, a fractionation of soil inorganic P was carried out, which was separated into soluble and weakly bound P (NaOH-NaCl- P), reductant soluble P or occluded in Fe oxides (CBD-P) and P precipitated as poorly soluble Ca-P (HCl-P); and the P retention capacity and degree of P saturation were determined as well. Given the calcareous nature of the soils, the influence of the amount of P applied with the organic wastes in soil available P only occurred at the beginning of the incubation period, while at the end of the trial the increase in soil available P equalled independently of the amount of P applied with each residue, increasing the P retained in the least soluble fraction when increasing P applied. Conversely, the application of less stabilized materials with a lower content of P resulted in an increase in the most labile P forms due to dissolution of P retained in the less labile fraction, demonstrating the influence of organic matter addition on soil P processes that control P availability in soil. As expected, the application of organic wastes increased the degree of P saturation in the soils, however the values obtained did not exceed the limits considered to pose a risk of water pollution. The influence of the application of organic wastes on inorganic and organic soil P forms was also studied in an acid loamy sand soil after long-term field application of cattle manure and biowaste compost and the combined application of compost and mineral fertilizer (triple superphosphate) in a crop rotation. Soil samples were collected 14 years after the establishment of the field experiment, and analyzed for soluble and available P, P sorption capacity, degree of P saturation and enzymatic activities (dehydrogenase, acid phosphatase and alkaline phosphatase). The different forms of organic P in soil were determined by using an enzyme addition technique, based on adding enzymes with different substrate specificities to NaOH-EDTA soil extracts, measuring the hydrolyzed P colorimetrically after an incubation period. The enzymes used were acid phosphatase, nuclease and phytase which allowed to identify hydrolyzable monoesters (monoester-like P) diesters (DNA-like P) and inositol hexakisphosphate (Ins6P-like P). The long-term application of organic wastes increased soil available P proportionally to the P applied with each type of fertilizer, assuming a higher risk of P losses given the high degree of P saturation of this soil. The application of organic wastes increased soil organic P resistant to enzymatic hydrolysis, but no influence was observed regarding the different forms of enzyme hydrolyzable organic P compared to those observed in the non-amended soil. Furthermore, the different forms of organic P applied with the organic wastes did not correspond to those analyzed in the soil which showed that these forms in soil are a result of multifaceted P turnover processes in soil affected by plants, microorganisms and abiotic factors. In this study, a correlation between Ins6P-like P and the microbial activity (dehydrogenase activity) of soil was found, which reinforces this claim. Finally, the application of organic wastes as a source of N and P in agriculture was evaluated agronomically in a real field scenario. A field experiment was established to evaluate the application of compost made from wine-distillery wastes in the same melon crop used in the experiments of N mineralization and leaching. In this experiment the application of three doses of compost were studied: 1 , 2 and 3 kg of compost per linear meter of plantation corresponding to 7, 13 and 20 tonnes of compost per hectare respectively; and the effect on plant growth, N and P accumulation in the plant as well as crop yield and quality was studied. The application of compost produced a slight increase in plant biomass accompanied by a significant improvement in crop yield with respect to the unamended plots, obtaining the maximum yield with the application of 2 kg of compost per linear meter. Although the potential effects of N and P were partially masked by other inputs of these nutrients in the system (high concentration of nitrates in the irrigation water and phosphoric acid supplied by fertigation), an effect of P was observed the first year of study resulting in a greater plant P accumulation and in an increase in the number of fruits in the amended plots. In addition, the higher accumulation of available N and P in the topsoil at the end of the growing season indicated the potential use of this material as source of these nutrients.

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Este trabajo estudia la validez de la flexibilidad y la polivalencia, en tanto que estrategias de diseño doméstico, para superar los problemas derivados de la coincidencia de dos circunstancias opuestas en el campo de la vivienda social. Por un lado, la existencia en España de un rígido conjunto de normativas de diseño, originado a mediados del siglo pasado bajo unos supuestos culturales e ideológicos distintos a los actuales, que fija una idea muy precisa de hogar. Por otro lado, la creciente variedad de modos de habitar derivada del progreso social, económico y tecnológico de las últimas décadas. La tesis presenta dos partes ligadas entre sí. La primera es una investigación bibliográfica en la que se analizan los diferentes conceptos asociados a la flexibilidad y la polivalencia manejados hasta hoy, se estudian las formas en las que estas estrategias se presentan a través de ejemplos, algunos de ellos muy poco conocidos, y se exponen las oportunidades y los obstáculos para su desarrollo en nuestro país. La segunda parte es una investigación experimental que incluye los estudios de evaluación de dos edificios madrileños de referencia, las viviendas flexibles de Aranguren y Gallegos en Carabanchel y las viviendas polivalentes de la Casa de las Flores, de Secundino Zuazo. En ellos se analizan las ventajas y desventajas de los distintos dispositivos flexibles y polivalentes existentes en dichas viviendas; cómo influyen en la organización de la vida doméstica; cuáles de sus características merecen ser implementadas en nuevos proyectos y bajo qué condiciones. La investigación revela que la flexibilidad ofrece ventajas funcionales objetivas, pero que su generalización en nuevas promociones de vivienda ocasionaría problemas de índole cultural. Por otro lado, la polivalencia es eficaz para dar cabida a nuevos modelos de convivencia, pero choca con las preferencias de los grupos familiares tradicionales. En ambos casos, se proponen soluciones para mejorar su eficacia. ABSTRACT The aim of this thesis is to assess the validity of flexibility and polyvalence as architectural responses to address some of the issues derived from two concurrent –yet opposing– circumstances in the field of Spanish social housing. On the one hand, the existence of a thick set of rules that strictly defines the form and use of the domestic space. These design norms were originated in the mid-20th century, according to an institutionalised idea of nuclear family and family home that does not match the current social trends in the country. On the other hand, the growing variety of lifestyles and family groups derived from the social, economic and technological progress of the last decades. The thesis is divided into two interrelated parts: The first one is a bibliographic research and an analysis of the diverse concepts attached to flexibility and polyvalence existing in the literature, a study of the ways in which these strategies are practiced in relevant housing buildings, and an explanation of the benefits and difficulties they pose with respect to their development in Spain. The second part is an experimental research including two post-occupancy evaluations in two housing buildings in Madrid: the flexible apartments in Carabanchel by Aranguren & Gallegos, and the polyvalent apartments in la Casa de las Flores by Secundino Zuazo. These studies are aimed at determining the extent to which the flexible and polyvalent elements in these projects are successful, which users take advantage of them and, over all, which of these features deserve to be applied to future developments, and under which conditions. The research indicates that, despite offering objective functional advantages, flexibility cannot be proposed as a general strategy in future subsidised housing developments due to the cultural problems it provokes. Besides, polyvalence is useful to host new cohabitations models, but it clashes with the preferences of traditional family groups. In both cases, several solutions to improve their efficiency are presented.

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OBJETOS TENACES versa sobre la práctica del adaptive reuse (la “reutilización adaptativa”, la reconversión) explicado a través del fenómeno de ruptura, suspensión y reconfiguración de vínculos que el objeto arquitectónico tiene con respecto a su medio económico, sociocultural, normativo y de utilitas. Se trata de un fenómeno en tres fases, muy próximo al mecanismo empleado por el readymade y por el display, que en arquitectura parte de la crisis que supone un cambio de circunstancias, un desarraigo del objeto respecto de su ámbito anterior. El mecanismo tiene vocación de intervención mínima, desde un posicionamiento actual que comprende el mundo construido como una realidad “ya hecha”, y donde las operaciones de proyecto son acciones de transformación que llevan de una situación de obsolescencia a otra de vigencia renovada, es decir, de una realidad completa a otra igualmente completa. Para ello, la investigación se sirve de tres ejemplos de un mismo entorno geográfico (el área en torno a Meatpacking, en el lado oeste del bajo Manhattan, Nueva York) y temporal (las últimas décadas del siglo XX, en las que los casos se solapan a pesar de tener desarrollos cronológicos diversos). Bell Telephone Laboratories, The West Side Improvement y The National Biscuit Company, reconvertidos a Westbeth, a The High Line y a Chelsea Market, construyen juntos el argumento por suma de conceptos, por adición de fenómenos, estudiando las cualidades y las circunstancias que hacen posible la continuidad de las estructuras, es decir, su supervivencia. El texto forma un corpus que proporciona algunas de las claves del objeto denominado como tenaz a través del análisis sincrónico del antes y el después de su puesta en crisis. A tal efecto, se exponen una serie de figuras razonadas entre las cuales figuran el lijado del barniz, los hilos compartidos, la máscara, la momificación y la vitrina, el puente sobre le desfiladero, el enfriamiento, o las reliquias, incrustaciones y adherencias, todas ellas encaminadas a explicar el proceso de renovación del artefacto como un cambio en el sentido, en el significado, y no tanto en lo material. Entre las consideraciones de la tesis está, por un lado, el carácter relativo del término tenacidad, concepto que define a los objetos que se encuentran y se reconocen en su idoneidad, que tienen capacidad de adaptación, y que precisan finalmente de grandes dosis de pragmatismo para su reconfiguración, siendo todas éstas condiciones necesarias pero sólo suficientes a posteriori. Por otro lado, el texto reflexiona acerca del intangible que comparten todos los objetos así llamados y que consiste en la condición, quizá formidable, de ser reconocibles por parte de los sucesivos intervinientes de su historia, convencidos de que su renovación supone una oportunidad; su desaparición, una pérdida. Finalmente, la investigación apunta hacia el concepto de anacronismo como justificación para los objetos que se demuestran adaptables a épocas sucesivas, y que encajan en el tiempo de forma compleja. ABSTRACT TENACIOUS OBJECTS deals with the practice of the adaptive reuse explained by means of the phenomenon of rupture, suspension and reconfiguration of links that the architectural object has vis-à-vis its economic, socio-cultural and regulatory environment, and its utilitas. It is a phenomenon structured in three stages, very close to the mechanism used by the readymade and by the display, which in architecture arise from the crisis that leads to a change in circumstances, an alienation of the object regarding its previous environment. The mechanism aims to the minimum intervention, from a current positioning which understands the world built as a reality “already made”, and where the operations of the project are transformative actions that take us from a situation of obsolescence to a situation of renewed validity, that is, from a complete reality to one just as complete. For this purpose, the research makes use of three examples in the same geographical area (the Meatpacking Discrict, in the Lower West Side of Manhattan, New York) and the same period (the last decades of the 20th century, in which the cases overlap in spite of their diverse chronological developments). Bell Telephone Laboratories, The West Side Improvement and The National Biscuit Company, reconverted into Westbeth, The High Line and Chelsea Market, make up, together, the argument as a sum of concepts, and addition of phenomena, studying the qualities and circumstances which make the continuity of the structures possible, that is, their survival. The text forms a corpus that provides some of the keys of the so-called tenacious object by means of the synchronic analysis of before and after its crisis. To this end, a series of reasoned figures is presented, including the sanding of varnish, the shared threads, the mask, the mummification and the display cabinet, the bridge over the gorge, cooling, or the relics, incrustations and adherences, all of them aimed at explaining the renovation process of the artifact as a change in the sense and the meaning, rather than the material. The considerations of this dissertation include, on the one hand, the relative nature of the term tenacity, a concept which defines the objects found and recognized in their suitability, that are capable of adapting and which finally require large doses of pragmatism for their reconfiguration, all these conditions being necessary but only sufficient a posteriori. On the other hand, the text reflects on the intangible shared among all the so-called objects, and which consists of the condition, perhaps extraordinary, of being recognized by the subsequent interveners of their history, convinced that their renovation represents an opportunity; their disappearance, a loss. Finally, the dissertation studies the concept of anachronism as a justification for the objects that prove to adapt to subsequent periods, and which fit in time in a complex manner.

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Introduction. Since the 25th of January 2011 revolution the Egyptian economy has been suffering on all fronts. Almost all the economic indicators have been pointing towards a deteriorating situation, and in many cases have reached the trough. Yet, the economy is still surviving. This is mainly due to the unprecedented support of some of Arab Gulf countries, whose unconditional aid has helped to mitigate the deteriorating economic conditions. The economic challenges facing Egypt have been exacerbated after the 20th of January revolution mainly because of the deteriorating political and security conditions which have interrupted the functioning of the economy. Yet, this is not to say that revolution has caused these challenges. In fact, the challenges that the Egyptian has been facing have deep roots in its socio-political-economic context, which this paper aims to explain. The revolution and its aftermath have brought to the forefront challenges which have always been mitigated by short-term solutions that never dealt seriously with their roots. Moreover, the revolution has brought additional problems associated with the macroeconomic imbalances. As a result, the challenges became more complex especially in light of the need to balance the social and economic aspects. The paper proceeds as follows; in section one we pinpoint the main challenges faced by Egypt where we identify the symptoms and causes of such challenges. In section two we discuss the roots of such challenges. Finally, we conclude and provide our understanding of how Egypt is expected to face its challenges in the near future.

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The decision passed by the International Court of Justice in The Hague in February 2009, which finally determined the status of the Snake Island and the delimitation of the borders of Ukraine’s and Romania’s exclusive economic zones on the Black Sea’s continental shelf removed the major dispute from the agenda of relations between the two countries but it failed to reduce their mutual distrust. The sources of this distrust include the difficult history of Ukrainian-Romanian relations in the 20th century which is still adversely affecting political and economic co-operation between these two countries and preventing them from being free from resentments. Romania is the only EU member state and neighbour with which Ukraine has strained relations, which have been seriously deadlocked for years. There are a few political and economic reasons for this. Bucharest’s actions taken with regard to the Romanian and Moldovan national minorities in Ukraine are interpreted in Kyiv as a threat to Ukraine’s national security, and Romania’s political and economic activity in the Black Sea basin is perceived as contrary to Ukrainian interests in this region. In effect, although Romania supports Ukraine’s efforts to build closer relations with the Western structures in the international arena, it cannot be ruled out that Romania’s support will depend on the resolution of bilateral disputes in a way which is favourable to Romania.

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This study takes on the issue of political and socio-economic conditions for the hydrogen economy as part of a future low carbon society in Europe. It is subdivided into two parts. A first part reviews the current EU policy framework in view of its impact on hydrogen and fuel cell development. In the second part an analysis of the regional dynamics and possible hydrogen and fuel cell clusters is carried out. The current EU policy framework does not hinder hydrogen development. Yet it does not constitute a strong push factor either. EU energy policies have the strongest impact on hydrogen and fuel cell development even though their potential is still underexploited. Regulatory policies have a weak but positive impact on hydrogen. EU spending policies show some inconsistencies. Regions with a high activity level in HFC also are generally innovative regions. Moreover, the article points out certain industrial clusters that favours some regions' conditions for taking part in the HFC development. However, existing hydrogen infrastructure seems to play a minor role for region's engagement. An overall well-functioning regional innovation system is important in the formative phase of an HFC innovation system, but that further research is needed before qualified policy implications can be drawn. Looking ahead the current policy framework at EU level does not set clear long term signals and lacks incentives that are strong enough to facilitate high investment in and deployment of sustainable energy technologies. The likely overall effect thus seems to be too weak to enable the EU hydrogen and fuel cell deployment strategy. According to our analysis an enhanced EU policy framework pushing for sustainability in general and the development of hydrogen and fuel cells in particular requires the following: 1) A strong EU energy policy with credible long term targets; 2) better coordination of EU policies: Europe needs a common understanding of key taxation concepts (green taxation, internalisation of externalities) and a common approach for the market introduction of new energy technologies; 3) an EU cluster policy as an attempt to better coordinate and support of European regions in their efforts to further develop HFC and to set up the respective infrastructure.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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v. 1. From an agrarian to an industrial economy (1785-1900)--v. 2. The problems of a world power (the 20th century)

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For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

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As the world population continues to grow past seven billion people and global challenges continue to persist including resource availability, biodiversity loss, climate change and human well-being, a new science is required that can address the integrated nature of these challenges and the multiple scales on which they are manifest. Sustainability science has emerged to fill this role. In the fifteen years since it was first called for in the pages of Science, it has rapidly matured, however its place in the history of science and the way it is practiced today must be continually evaluated. In Part I, two chapters address this theoretical and practical grounding. Part II transitions to the applied practice of sustainability science in addressing the urban heat island (UHI) challenge wherein the climate of urban areas are warmer than their surrounding rural environs. The UHI has become increasingly important within the study of earth sciences given the increased focus on climate change and as the balance of humans now live in urban areas.

In Chapter 2 a novel contribution to the historical context of sustainability is argued. Sustainability as a concept characterizing the relationship between humans and nature emerged in the mid to late 20th century as a response to findings used to also characterize the Anthropocene. Emerging from the human-nature relationships that came before it, evidence is provided that suggests Sustainability was enabled by technology and a reorientation of world-view and is unique in its global boundary, systematic approach and ambition for both well being and the continued availability of resources and Earth system function. Sustainability is further an ambition that has wide appeal, making it one of the first normative concepts of the Anthropocene.

Despite its widespread emergence and adoption, sustainability science continues to suffer from definitional ambiguity within the academe. In Chapter 3, a review of efforts to provide direction and structure to the science reveals a continuum of approaches anchored at either end by differing visions of how the science interfaces with practice (solutions). At one end, basic science of societally defined problems informs decisions about possible solutions and their application. At the other end, applied research directly affects the options available to decision makers. While clear from the literature, survey data further suggests that the dichotomy does not appear to be as apparent in the minds of practitioners.

In Chapter 4, the UHI is first addressed at the synoptic, mesoscale. Urban climate is the most immediate manifestation of the warming global climate for the majority of people on earth. Nearly half of those people live in small to medium sized cities, an understudied scale in urban climate research. Widespread characterization would be useful to decision makers in planning and design. Using a multi-method approach, the mesoscale UHI in the study region is characterized and the secular trend over the last sixty years evaluated. Under isolated ideal conditions the findings indicate a UHI of 5.3 ± 0.97 °C to be present in the study area, the magnitude of which is growing over time.

Although urban heat islands (UHI) are well studied, there remain no panaceas for local scale mitigation and adaptation methods, therefore continued attention to characterization of the phenomenon in urban centers of different scales around the globe is required. In Chapter 5, a local scale analysis of the canopy layer and surface UHI in a medium sized city in North Carolina, USA is conducted using multiple methods including stationary urban sensors, mobile transects and remote sensing. Focusing on the ideal conditions for UHI development during an anticyclonic summer heat event, the study observes a range of UHI intensity depending on the method of observation: 8.7 °C from the stationary urban sensors; 6.9 °C from mobile transects; and, 2.2 °C from remote sensing. Additional attention is paid to the diurnal dynamics of the UHI and its correlation with vegetation indices, dewpoint and albedo. Evapotranspiration is shown to drive dynamics in the study region.

Finally, recognizing that a bridge must be established between the physical science community studying the Urban Heat Island (UHI) effect, and the planning community and decision makers implementing urban form and development policies, Chapter 6 evaluates multiple urban form characterization methods. Methods evaluated include local climate zones (LCZ), national land cover database (NCLD) classes and urban cluster analysis (UCA) to determine their utility in describing the distribution of the UHI based on three standard observation types 1) fixed urban temperature sensors, 2) mobile transects and, 3) remote sensing. Bivariate, regression and ANOVA tests are used to conduct the analyses. Findings indicate that the NLCD classes are best correlated to the UHI intensity and distribution in the study area. Further, while the UCA method is not useful directly, the variables included in the method are predictive based on regression analysis so the potential for better model design exists. Land cover variables including albedo, impervious surface fraction and pervious surface fraction are found to dominate the distribution of the UHI in the study area regardless of observation method.

Chapter 7 provides a summary of findings, and offers a brief analysis of their implications for both the scientific discourse generally, and the study area specifically. In general, the work undertaken does not achieve the full ambition of sustainability science, additional work is required to translate findings to practice and more fully evaluate adoption. The implications for planning and development in the local region are addressed in the context of a major light-rail infrastructure project including several systems level considerations like human health and development. Finally, several avenues for future work are outlined. Within the theoretical development of sustainability science, these pathways include more robust evaluations of the theoretical and actual practice. Within the UHI context, these include development of an integrated urban form characterization model, application of study methodology in other geographic areas and at different scales, and use of novel experimental methods including distributed sensor networks and citizen science.

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A multiproxy data set of an AMS radiocarbon dated 46 cm long sediment core from the continental margin off western Svalbard reveals multidecadal climatic variability during the past two millennia. Investigation of planktic and benthic stable isotopes, planktic foraminiferal fauna, and lithogenic parameters aims to unveil the Atlantic Water advection to the eastern Fram Strait by intensity, temperatures, and salinities. Atlantic Water has been continuously present at the site over the last 2,000 years. Superimposed on the increase in sea ice/icebergs, a strengthened intensity of Atlantic Water inflow and seasonal ice-free conditions were detected at ~ 1000 to 1200 AD, during the well-known Medieval Climate Anomaly (MCA). However, temperatures of the MCA never exceeded those of the 20th century. Since ~ 1400 AD significantly higher portions of ice rafted debris and high planktic foraminifer fluxes suggest that the site was located in the region of a seasonal highly fluctuating sea ice margin. A sharp reduction in planktic foraminifer fluxes around 800 AD and after 1730 AD indicates cool summer conditions with major influence of sea ice/icebergs. High amounts of the subpolar planktic foraminifer species Turborotalia quinqueloba in size fraction 150-250 µm indicate strengthened Atlantic Water inflow to the eastern Fram Strait already after ~ 1860 AD. Nevertheless surface conditions stayed cold well into the 20th century indicated by low planktic foraminiferal fluxes. Most likely at the beginning of the 20th century, cold conditions of the terminating Little Ice Age period persisted at the surface whereas warm and saline Atlantic Water already strengthened, hereby subsiding below the cold upper mixed layer. Surface sediments with high abundances of subpolar planktic foraminifers indicate a strong inflow of Atlantic Water providing seasonal ice-free conditions in the eastern Fram Strait during the last few decades.