Myer S. Isaacs collection undated, 1844, 1851-1925

Contains correspondence and newspaper clippings relating to the centennial birthday celebration of and memorial services for Sir Moses Montefiore; correspondence consists primarily of replies to a circular advocating the holding of memorial services issued by the Board of Delegates on Civil and Religious Rights from congregations in Buffalo, Charleston, Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleveland, and Detroit. Contains also correspondence relating to the activities of the Alliance Israelite Universelle on behalf of Palestine and the Jews in the Balkan States and Morocco and to the establishment of United States committees for the Alliance and the raising of funds, including correspondence with H. Pereira Mendes, Henry S. Jacobs, John Hay, and Adolphe Cremieux as well as letters from Baltimore, Cleveland, Detroit, Galveston, Minneapolis, Mobile, Rochester, St. Louis, and San Francisco. Also contains extensive correspondence concerning anti-semitism in Russia, aid to Jewish immigrants, and Jewish agricultural colonies in the United States, with letters from James G. Blaine, Manuel Augustus Kursheedt, Sabato Morais, Charles Nathan, Hirsch Leib Sabsovich, (Isaac N.?) Seligman and Judah Wechsler, among others. Also contains newspaper clippings and other items relating to Jewish life during the late 19th century and articles and memorabilia about various members of the Isaacs family.

The White Possessive : Property, Power and Indigenous Sovereignty

The White Possessive explores the links between race, sovereignty, and possession through themes of property: owning property, being property, and becoming propertyless. Focusing on the Australian Aboriginal context, Aileen Moreton-Robinson questions current race theory in the first world and its preoccupation with foregrounding slavery and migration. The nation, she argues, is socially and culturally constructed as a white possession. Moreton-Robinson reveals how the core values of Australian national identity continue to have roots in Britishness and colonization, built on the disavowal of Indigenous sovereignty. Whiteness studies are central to Moreton-Robinson’s reasoning, and she shows how blackness works as a white epistemological tool that bolsters the social production of whiteness—displacing Indigenous sovereignties and rendering them invisible in a civil rights discourse, sidestepping issues of settler colonialism. Throughout this critical examination Moreton-Robinson proposes a bold new agenda for critical Indigenous studies, one that involves deeper analysis of the prerogatives of white possession within the role of disciplines.

Kirkon vai valtion kirjat? : Uskontokuntasidonnaisuuden ongelma Suomen väestökirjanpidossa 1839-1904

The Population Register – run by the Church or the state? The problem posed by the obligation to belong to a religious community in the registration of births and deaths in Finland between 1839 and 1904 The Lutheran Church of Finland is the nation’s largest church; approximately 82 per cent of Finns were members in 2007. The Church ran an official register of its members until 1999, when the state then undertook this task. The registration of births and deaths by the Church has a long history dating back to the 17th century, when Bishop Johannes Gezelius Sr. decreed that all parish members would have to be recorded in parish registers. These registers were used to control how well parish members knew the Christian doctrine and, gradually, also if they were literate. Additionally, the Church attempted to ensure by means of the parish registers that parish members went to Holy Communion annually. Since everyone was a member of the Lutheran Church, the state also took advantage of the parish registers and used them for the purposes of tax collection and conscription. The main research theme of “The Population Register – run by the Church or the state?” goes back to these times. The actual research period covers the years of 1839–1904. At that time Finland was under Russian rule, although autonomous. In the late 19th century the press and different associations in Finland began to engage in public debate, and the country started moving from a submissive society to a civic one. The identity of the Lutheran Church also became more prominent when the Church Act and the General Synod were realised in 1869. A few years earlier, municipal and parish administrations had been separated, but the general registration of births and deaths was left to the Church to see to. In compliance with the constitution of the country, all the inhabitants in principle still had to be Lutheran. In practice, the situation was different. The religious and ideological realms diversified, and the Lutheran concept of religion was no longer acceptable to everyone. The conflict was reflected in the registration of births and deaths, which was linked to the Lutheran Church and its parish registers. Nobody was allowed to leave the Church, there was no civil register, and the Lutheran Church did not consent to record unbaptized children in the parish registers. Therefore such children were left without civil rights. Thus the obligation to belong to a religious community had become a problem in the registration of births and deaths. The Lutheran clergy also appealed to the 1723 privileges, according to which they had been exempted from the drawing up of additional population registers. In 1889 Finland passed the Dissenters Act. By virtue of this act the Baptists and the Methodists left the state Church, but this was not the case with the members of the free churches. The freethinkers had to retain their church membership, as the law did not apply to them. This meant that the unbaptized children of the members of the free churches or those of freethinkers were still not entered in any registers. The children were not able to go to school, work for the state or legally marry. Neither were they able to inherit property, as they did not legally exist. The system of parish registers was created when everyone was required to be a member of the Lutheran Church, but it did not work when liberal attitudes eventually penetrated the sphere of religion, too. The government´s measures to solve the problem were slow and cautious, partly because Finland was part of Russia, partly because there were only about 100 unbaptized children. As the problem group was small and the state´s resources were limited, no general civil register was established. The state accepted the fact that in spite of the problems, the Evangelical Lutheran Church and the congregations of dissenters were the only official establishments to run populations registers in the country, and for social purposes, too. In 1900 the Diet of Finland finally approved a limited civil register, which unbaptized children and unregistered foreigners would be recorded in. Due to political reasons the civil register did not come into existence until 1917, after the actual research period.

Juutalaisvastaisuus suomalaisissa aikakauslehdissä ja kirjallisuudessa 1918-1944

Anti-Semitism existed in Finland during the whole period covered by this study. The immoral acts associated with Jews in the articles were mostly regarded as universal habits, qualities and/or modes of action, that is, unconnected with any particular Finnish Jew. Researchers have tried to explain anti-Semitism in several ways. The theory of Jews as outsiders has been a popular explanation as well as xenophobia, chimerical anti-Semitism and the socio-economic models. The main sources of this study have been over 400 Finnish periodicals and magazines, literature and text books published between 1918 and 1944. This vast number of magazines includes those of the army and the civil guard, religion, humour and the papers of the Finnish extreme right. One can see a distinct foreign and especially German influence in the subjects and phraseology of Finnish anti-Semitic writings between 1918 and 1944. Several known Finnish anti-Semitic writers had some kind of link with Germany. Some Finnish organisations and societies were openly anti-Semitic during this period. There had been cycles in the activity of anti-Semitic writing in Finland, obvious peaks appearing in 1918 1919, 1929 1931, 1933 1938 and 1942 1944. The reason for the 1918 1919 activity was the civil rights which were granted to the Jews in Finland, and the Russian Bolshevik revolution. The worldwide depression from 1929 to 1932 seem to be the reason for new anti-Semitic writing activity. The rise of National Socialism in Germany and the influence this phenomenon had in Finland was the reason for the peak during 1933 1938. During the continuation war 1942 1944 National Socialist Germany was fighting side-by-side with Finland and their anti-Semitic propaganda found easier access to Finland. Of the 433 magazines, journals and newspapers which were used in this study, 71 or 16.4 per cent had at least one article that can be identified as anti-Semitic; especially the magazines of national socialists and other extreme right parties were making anti-Semitic annotations. There were about 50 people known to have written anti-Semitic articles. At least half of these known writers had studied at the university, including as many as 10 priests. Over and above these, there was an even larger number of people who wrote under a pseudonym. The material used suggested that anti-Semitism was not very popular in Finland between 1918 and 1944. Anti-Semitic articles appeared mostly in the magazines of the extreme right, but their circulation was not very large. A proof of the slight influence of these extreme right anti-Semitic ideas is that, beside the tightening of policy towards Jewish immigrants in 1938 and the handing over of eight of these refugees to Germany in 1942, the official policy of Finland never became anti-Semitic. As was stated before, despite the cycles in the number of writings, there does not appear to have been any noticeable change in public opinion. One must also remember that most Finns had not at that period actually met a Jew. The material used suggests that between 1918 and 1944 the so-called Jewish question was seemingly unimportant for most Finns and their attitude to Jews and Jewishness can be described as neutral.

Yhteisöllisyys juutalaisessa kansallisuusajattelussa ja Israelin valtion itsenäisyysjulistuksessa

The Idea of Community in the Jewish National Thinking and in the Proclamation of Independence The aim of this study is to clarify the idea of community in the Jewish national thinking and in the Proclamation of Independence of the State of Israel in 1948. The method is the community analysis. The values of the culture are studied by two- and threefold dimensions on the arena. On the field of that arena one can find the society of order, the society of pressure, the societies made by mosaics and the societies that are breaking apart. The community way of behaving means, that the individuals voluntarily follow common values. The earliest Jewish ideals elevated the concept of unity among the people. The reality in the society was different especially in Roman times when the religious and national thinking was fragmented into four different main views. During the Diaspora the religious tradition mostly warned against pursuing a Jewish state, but many forms of Anti-Judaism and the new national thinking in the nineteenth century created the Zionist movement. The religious Jewish people did not rely on the earthy nationalism and when some of them later chose Zionism, they stressed the religious aspects in governing the state. The cultural Zionists preferred a slower and more low key spiritual way of change. The Revisionists saw no alternatives but to use military force. Many in the majority, the Labour movement, hoped that the progress brought to the region by Zionism would change the minds of opponents. The general appearance of the proclamation is optimistic. It characterizes national and political unity gathering people who think differently and who come from different factions of the Jewish political and cultural orientation. These people can be placed on different corners in the community analysis. The proclamation concentrates on state and administrative points of view. It aims at a state for the Jews, and the Jewishness of the state is more clearly seen in later legislation. The hope for co-operation from all sides was clearly articulated. The central aim was the security of the Jews. The proclamation has a community quotation because it aimed to build up a net of cooperation. The vision of building a nation of their own is balanced by the collaboration with the Arabs and the international community. In the same roclamation the individual civil rights are side by side with the Prophets thoughts about peace and justice. The Proclamation describes a society of a good order which aims at uniting the people. In the midst of grave difficulties a noble proclamation of national and international co-operation was created. It was not taken for granted that the ideals would be realized. The care of the national homeland could become egocentric nationalism and the attention to the Prophets heritage could turn to emphasizing strict religious rules or to isolation from others. The emphasis of civil rights could turn to assimilation or in other words to other kinds of values in their own country.

O papel da imprensa na qualidade democrática : uma análise de possibilidades nos principais jornais nacionais

Esta tese avalia como se dá a atuação da imprensa brasileira em relação a aspectos importantes para a qualidade de uma democracia, considerando o conceito de embedded democracy, segundo o qual democracias constitucionais são formadas por cinco regimes parciais: direitos civis; liberdade política; accountability horizontal; poder efetivo para governar; e regime eleitoral democrático, todos ligados a esferas externas responsáveis pela viabilização de condições para essas democracias, dentre elas, os media. Neste contexto, a imprensa teria algumas funções ser fórum de discussões; dar voz à opinião pública; servir de olhos e ouvidos dos cidadãos; fiscalizar e mostrar irregularidades , que podem ser prejudicadas pela mercantilização dos media e aspectos da produção da rotina jornalística. Para verificar isso, busco evidências empíricas da cobertura da imprensa escrita sobre a política nacional, especialmente sobre os dois principais atores, Legislativo e Executivo, por meio da análise de 1.768 notícias

Entre a tiramnya cruel e a pedra fundamental: a obrigatoriedade do ensino primário como uma técnica de governo de Minas Gerais

Os discursos políticos educacionais acerca da institucionalização da instrução elementar em Minas Gerais atravessaram todo o século XIX, apontando também como uma preocupação republicana, ora pelo discurso de impraticabilidade e ferimento aos direitos civis, ora pela defesa de seu caráter estatal e da argumentação de função civilizatória e disciplinar da população. Nesse sentido, pensar a compulsoriedade do ensino demanda uma compreensão da sua função social, o conhecimento dos agentes envolvidos e de seus interesses sobre tal medida de governo. De acordo com os defensores da obrigatoriedade do ensino no século XIX e início do XX, o intuito da educação seria formar cidadãos civilizados e instruídos. Tal perspectiva estava relacionada a um projeto de sociedade e de nação brasileira, para o qual era imprescindível formar, desde a infância, um povo disciplinado, um povo bem governado. O nosso objetivo foi analisar o tema da obrigatoriedade do ensino a partir do conceito foucaultiano de governamentalidade. Problematizando a ideia de que universalizar o acesso à educação representava apenas uma iniciativa de garantia de direitos, a hipótese que defendemos consiste na ideia de que o ensino obrigatório pode ter sido perspectivado enquanto uma estratégia de governo dos outros, de controle dos sujeitos. Partindo desse pressuposto, como efeito esperado, seria possível obter sujeito com outras atitudes, as atitudes derivadas da coação promovida pela escola. Ao legitimar a escola, o dispositivo da obrigatoriedade funcionaria como estratégia e produziria positividades. Por meio da escola e de seu caráter compulsório, tratava-se de atingir e gerir a população dos pequenos, de modo a equipá-la com os códigos mínimos do mundo civilizado, com os efeitos disciplinares correlatos.Para tanto, analisamos a legislação de Minas Gerais, impressos mineiros (Correio de Minas, Jornal do Commercio, Minas Livre, O Granbery) e a bibliografia acerca da obrigatoriedade da instrução primária, a fim de identificar traços do debate no Império e na passagem para a República, os quais foram problematizados à luz daquele conceito. A partir dessa discussão, concluímos que a obrigatoriedade do ensino é mais bem compreendida se analisada em outro registro que não seja meramente jurídico. Tal inferência aponta para a ampliação do quadro analítico acerca dessa política compulsória e dos interesses de Estado em torno dela.

A desjudicialização da política e a desconstitucionalização do STF

Por mais de uma década, discutiu-se nas ciências sociais comparadas a efetiva influência da atuação do Poder Judiciário na participação democrática dos cidadãos nas decisões e na conformação das políticas públicas. A esse fenômeno, que se denominou "judicialização da política", atribui-se toda a operacionalidade de uma constituição democrática, cidadã, aberta, capaz de concretizar os anseios de liberdade, às vezes apenas condizentes com valores de um liberalismo conservador. Nossa tese procura, com ajuda de pesquisa empírica, demonstrar a persistente influência dos ranços tradicionalistas de uma classe que, ao longo da curta vida emancipada de nosso país, construiu e permeou, com sua visão de mundo, as instituições políticas nacionais. A atuação corporativa e institucionalizada dessa classe de juristas adaptou-se bem às exigências da ampliação infraestrutural do Estado moderno e burocrático, em virtude de seu legado autoritário, e logrou restringir o alcance das liberdades e direitos civis de um Estado recém democratizado, apesar do discurso apologético às instituições da democracia participativa. É nesse contexto que tentamos narrar a evolução contínua e silenciosa da dejudicialização da política democrática de massas e a politização gradual da corporação dos juristas, que carregaram consigo as expectativas de ampliação da cidadania constitucional.

Um limite absoluto para o Direito? O princípio do dano e o problema da coação legítima

O princípio do dano, assim como elaborado por John Stuart Mill em On Liberty, é tido como elemento fundamental à afirmação do liberalismo a partir do século XIX e seu desenvolvimento rumo ao século XX. Diante das nascentes democracias européias foi afirmado como um princípio absoluto de proteção à liberdade individual contra a imposição da moralidade pela opinião pública e pelo Estado. Mill partilhava o apreço de Tocqueville pela democracia sem deixar de temer a tirania das maiorias. Inicialmente, investiga-se o lugar do princípio do dano na filosofia política milliana e as fragilidades apontadas por seus críticos. Em um segundo momento, analisa-se sua influência na defesa das liberdades civis na Inglaterra da década de 1950, especificamente com a edição do Relatório Wolfenden que defendeu a descriminalização de práticas homossexuais, bem como o debate que se lhe seguiu sobre os limites do Direito protagonizado por H.L.A. Hart. Na última parte, o objeto do estudo é o princípio do dano agora inserido em uma doutrina liberal-perfeccionista, assim como formulada por Joseph Raz em A Moralidade da Liberdade. O objetivo final é revelar a existência de incoerências internas no princípio do dano, tanto em sua versão original como nas que lhe sucederam, de modo a impedir a fixação de uma espaço imune ao Direito e à imposição da moralidade. No entanto, visto da perspectiva adequada, o fracasso na elaboração de tal princípio deve ser relativizado, eis que no seu devir o princípio do dano serviu à reflexão acerca dos limites da coerção legítima, bem como ao aprimoramento de conceitos relevantes à filosofia política como moralismo legal, paternalismo e perfeccionismo jurídicos.

Com atitude e catiguria: visibilidades e Invisibilidades femininas: DASPU como possibilidades em Design

Trata-se de uma tese de doutoramento, cujo tema de estudo é DASPU. Fundada em 2005, reconhecida no Brasil e internacionalmente, é vinculada à ONG DAVIDA que se ocupa de questões relacionadas com Prostituição, Direitos Civis, Direitos Humanos e Prevenção de DST/AIDS. A proposta é a de abordar os quase cinco anos de existência da marca, considerando-os como quatro movimentos. Os pressupostos teóricos e metodológicos partem de Bruno Latour, dentre outros autores. A ênfase está na interdisciplinaridade entre Design, Moda e Psicologia Social. A prática da observação participante, adotada ao longo da trajetória, propicia intervenções com objetivos relacionados com a identificação das múltiplas possibilidades de rearranjos sociais e coletivos.

'Politics, Passion, Prejudice: Alice Childress's Wedding Band: A Love/Hate Story in Black and White'

Cashman, N. (2009). 'Politics, Passion, Prejudice: Alice Childress's Wedding Band: A Love/Hate Story in Black and White', Journal of American Studies, 43, 3, pp. 407?423 Sponsorship: APRS

Bezpieczeństwo socjalne a wykluczenie społeczne

Wśród niematerialnych potrzeb ludzkich do najważniejszych, z punktu widzenia polityki społecznej, należy potrzeba bezpieczeństwa. Stąd takim istotnym problemem jest gwarantowanie obywatelom poczucia bezpieczeństwa socjalnego. Choć z jednej strony, rozwój gospodarczy przynosi za sobą wzrost zamożności społeczeństwa, a co za tym idzie, wzrost poczucia bezpieczeństwa socjalnego, z drugiej strony w społeczeństwie nadal występują osoby i grupy, które, z różnych powodów, nie korzystają z owoców owego postępu. Dotyczy to zwłaszcza tych, którzy maja ograniczony dostęp do podstawowych dóbr i usług powszechnie przysługujących. Ta kategoria osób – to osoby wykluczone, czy też marginalizowane społecznie. Dla wykluczenia społecznego najbardziej charakterystyczne są trzy cechy: niski poziom uczestnictwa w życiu społecznym, długotrwałość i niedobrowolność takiej sytuacji, ograniczenie możliwości korzystania z podstawowych praw obywatelskich. Kwestia wykluczenia społecznego od niedawna została uznana przez Unię Europejską za jeden z podstawowych problemów społecznych. Stąd ogłoszenie roku 2010 Europejskim Rokiem Walki z Ubóstwem i Wykluczeniem Społecznym i podjęcie konkretnych działań w celu ograniczenia tych zjawisk. Daje to nadzieję, że tak w Unii Europejskiej, jak i w Polsce uda się zmniejszyć ilościowe rozmiary wykluczenia społecznego.

No Easy Way Through: Black Workers and Race Leadership at the Nadir

It is difficult, even excruciating, to imagine the staggering descent from high optimism to despondency experienced by many African Americans who lived between emancipation and the dawn of the twentieth century. For historians living in the post–civil rights era, recapturing the scale, velocity, and brutality of that dramatic fall has been hampered by two conceptual problems. The first of these, undergirded by prominent trends in the formerly “new” social history, is a widely shared enthusiasm for illuminating those hidden corners of daily life where men and women on the receiving end of Jim Crow continued to wield a degree of control. “Agency” has been the buzzword for a generation of scholarship that emphasizes the staying power and persistence of black Southerners in the face of relentless assaults on their social and economic status, their civil rights, and even, at times, their collective existence. This is, in many ways, an understandable reaction to an earlier consensus that relegated black historical initiative to the margins of a national fable cleansed of unseemly violence and sharp social conflict, but it can also be problematic.

Social Equality: On what it means to be equals

The first collected volume on social and relational equality.
Addresses a gap in the literature - while many philosophers have pointed to the importance of social equality, it requires much more theoretical development, which this volume aims to provide.
Offers a unique answer to the debate about whether or not equality is valuable.
Features a foreword by eminent political theorist David Miller
Includes new contributions by some of the most well-known contemporary moral and political philosophers, such as Samuel Scheffler and Jonathan Wolff.
Is equality valuable? This question dominates many discussions of social justice, which tend to center on whether certain forms of distributive equality are valuable, such as the equal distribution of primary social goods. But these discussions often neglect what is known as social or relational equality. Social equality suggests that equality is foremost about relationships and interactions between people, rather than being primarily about distribution.

A number of philosophers have written about the significance of social equality, and it has also played an important role in real-life egalitarian movements, such as feminism and civil rights movements. However, as it has been relatively neglected in comparison to the debates about distributive equality, it requires much more theoretical attention. This volume brings together a collection of ten original essays which present new analyses of social and relational equality in philosophy and political theory. The essays analyze the nature of social equality, as well as its relationship to justice and politics.

Readership: The book is primarily aimed at professionals in the field - philosophers (especially in moral, social and political philosophy) and political theorists. It is also aimed at the academic library market. Moreover, the book should be of interest to advanced undergraduate and postgraduate students attending courses on theories of equality and/or social justice.