Thomaz Antônio Gonzaga entre o direito natural e os desmandos do Fanfarrão Minésio: concepções políticas de um fiel vassalo da coroa portuguesa

O intelectual Thomáz Antônio Gonzaga é aqui tema de uma pesquisa aprofundada, mais ainda no que diz respeito às suas concepções políticas filosóficas e às suas atitudes enquanto vassalo da coroa portuguesa, num esforço de reconstruí-lo para a historiografia, já que, a principio, foi enxergado como um revolucionário nacionalista e como um dos maiores adeptos das ideias ilustradas da América portuguesa. Com um olhar mais apurado em seus escritos, principalmente se estes forem analisados dentro de suas respectivas conjunturas e, por outro lado, sem deixar de se considerar um desenvolvimento intelectual e acadêmico linear, é possível conhecer as bases teóricas utilizadas pelo poeta, bases estas adquiridas durante a sua vida. Tanto da época e que foi aluno em Coimbra (e até mesmo antes, estudou com os jesuítas me Salvador), quanto de suas atuações como ouvidor em Vila Rica. Thomáz Antônio Gonzaga e sua filosofia, portanto, vêm representar justamente a presença de concepções que foram de encontro às ideias revolucionárias, demonstrando o quanto fora hibrido esta época de transformações. Como homem de letras e que obtém sua formação acadêmica em Coimbra para exercer depois cargos oficiais em nome da coroa, é, a principio, representativo de um grupo que envolveu-se com a filosofia iluminista para promover um levante em Minas Gerais. Porém, aprofundando a pesquisa em seus escritos filosóficos, principalmente no que aborda em seu Tratado de Direito Natural, identifica-se um intelectual que possuía uma base teórica muito especifica que pouco tinha haver com a filosofia revolucionária.

A Folha de S. Paulo e os protestos pelo impeachment de Collor

A presente dissertação tem como objetivo observar as representações construídas pelo jornal Folha de S. Paulo sobre o conjunto de protestos de rua, ocorrido nos meses de agosto e setembro de 1992, que influenciou o processo de impeachment do presidente Collor. A pesquisa também questionou o interesse e atuação do jornal em relação a Collor desde as eleições de 1989 até o impeachment. Para responder a tais problemas, o trabalho mobilizou os conceitos de hegemonia e imprensa como partido político, propostos por Gramsci, o conceito de campo jornalístico, de Bourdieu, e o de agenda-setting, delineado por McCombs e Shaw. A historiografia consultada abordou o contexto histórico anterior ao governo Collor, as relações entre o presidente e os grandes veículos de imprensa do país, a história do periódico e o papel dos movimentos sociais no processo de impeachment. A revisão bibliográfica, apoiada pela leitura de editoriais do jornal, constatou que ele apoiava medidas neoliberais, como as privatizações das empresas públicas e o fim de mecanismos protecionistas do Estado à indústria nacional, que foram implementadas por Collor. Porém, o periódico fazia oposição ao presidente devido ao fracasso da sua política econômica e a sua postura autoritária em relação às críticas jornalísticas. Para perceber a visão da Folha de S. Paulo sobre os movimentos sociais, a pesquisa examinou textos editoriais e o conteúdo publicado no caderno Folhateen, voltado ao público jovem, durante os meses de julho a setembro de 1992. As análises mostraram que, em um primeiro momento, o jornal viu as manifestações com desconfiança. Posteriormente, com o seu crescimento, ele passou a apoiá-las e procurou influenciar a sua direção, diminuindo a importância dos partidos e entidades sindicais e estudantis de esquerda nas suas narrações dos protestos.

Interesse e virtude: a sociologia modernista dos anos 30

O objeto de estudo desta tese é a sociologia modernista brasileira da década de 1930. Em primeiro lugar, se adentra nas configurações gerais do termo sociologia modernista em relação à sua inserção na história e desenvolvimento das ciências sociais no Brasil. Em segundo lugar, se discute o suporte de escrita que este tipo de interpretação privilegiou, o ensaio. Em terceiro lugar, se relacionou os mundos da cultura e política no contexto da formação do modernismo brasileiro e sua imbricação direta com as florações da sociologia modernista. E por fim, se estabeleceu uma interpretação dos principais temas e dos argumentos expostos e debatidos pela sociologia modernista dos anos 1930. Nestes termos, este trabalho diz respeito: a constituição de uma tradição sociológica periférica em relação ao sistema-mundo; a proposição da constituição de uma história da sociologia brasileira, múltipla e dinâmica, que leva em conta as diferentes imersões propostas por cada estilo de pensamento; a constituição do ensaio como suporte de escrita e modo de apresentação das ideias conectados à posição e experiência intelectual latino-americana em geral e brasileira em particular; a uma ampliação do conceito de modernismo e sua relação com a teoria social periférica; ao processo de modernização brasileiro e suas íntimas relações com o modernismo; à construção de uma interpretação de segunda ordem, que possibilite interpretar a teoria social advinda da sociologia modernista a partir da dupla perspectiva do cronótopo constituído: o tempo e o espaço; a caracterização da sociologia modernista a partir da concepção de cartografia semântica e figuração, como permeáveis à análise dos textos abordados.

Models of Backwardness versus Transformation in Eastern Europe. Review Article

This paper is critical analysis of book by Anna Sosnowska, "Zrozumieć zacofanie. Spory historyków o Europę Wschodnią (1947-1994)" [To Understand Backwardness: Historians' Deabates about Eastern Europe (1947-1994)]. Warszawa 2004.

Reżyserki na indeksie. Historia kina kobiet w Europie Środkowej w Wschodniej

Autorka dokonuje krytycznej rekapitulacji wskazówek metodologicznych dotyczących pisania historii kina kobiet w anglojęzycznej literaturze przedmiotu, odnosząc je do specyfiki kinematografii środkowo- i wschodnioeuropejskiej. Projekt dyskursu historii kina kobiet wpisuje w postulaty ponowoczesnej historiografii i nowej humanistyki, poszukującej tradycji grup mniejszościowych oraz krytycznie odnoszącej się do historii tradycyjnej. Problematyka kina kobiet w dyskursie historii kina powinna, zdaniem autorki, objąć także doświadczenia edukacyjne i zawodowe kobiet, związki biografii zawodowej i prywatnej oraz publiczne i wyobrażone wizerunki reżyserek.

Od "Subaltern studies" do "Provincializig Europe". Kilka postkolonialnych refleksji na temat historii

Tekst wskazuje II połowę XX wieku jako cezurę wyznaczającą kres dziewiętnastowiecznego pojęcia historii, służącego europejskim imperiom do uzasadnienia ekspansji kolonialnej. Na przykładzie kontrastu Indii i Zachodu dowodzi, że myślenie historyczne jest uwarunkowane kulturowo. Ruchy antykolonialne odwracają dyskurs kolonialny, czyniąc z niego argument dla szybkiej demokratyzacji społeczeństw, odbiegającej od modelu europejskiego za sprawą zredukowanej liczby etapów postępu cywilizacyjnego i rezygnacji z perspektywy historycznej. Seria Subaltern Studies podważa uniwersalność europejskiego modelu nowoczesności i jego adekwatność na terenach byłych kolonii po upadku zachodnich imperiów.

Demokratyzacja kultury współczesnej

Wydział Historyczny: Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej

Gestão do cooperativismo médico no Brasil

Tese apresentada à Universidade Fernando Pessoa como parte dos requisitos para obtenção do grau de Doutor em Ciências Empresariais, especialidade em Gestão

Ben Marais (1909-1999): The influences on and heritage of a South African Prophet during two periods of transformation

University of Pretoria / Dissertation / Department of Church History and Church Policy / Advised by Prof J W Hofmeyr

L’isola delle madri assenti: tracce di presenza femminile nella narrativa storica siciliana contemporanea (1990-2007)

The watershed constituted by the historical novels of Leonardo Sciascia (1921- 1989), Vincenzo Consolo (1933-2012) and Andrea Camilleri (born 1925), are starting points for analysing subsequent writings of history in Sicily, particularly those that deal with the hermeneutical function of literature as a means of critically reading official historiography. Nevertheless, whereas ample critical attention has been paid to male writers, whose work is deemed ‘mainstream’, there has been insufficient analysis of the role of female authors in relation to literary representations of Sicilian history. By considering the distinctiveness of the Sicilian literary tradition, the thesis identifies a series of transformations of the genre which have occurred in recent years within the context of feminine writing, and examines the historical narratives of contemporary Sicilian writers Maria Attanasio, Silvana La Spina and Maria Rosa Cutrufelli produced between 1990 and 2007. The study problematizes the lack of critical debate about feminine narratives in Sicily, and places these works in relation to developments in gender and genre theory, focusing particularly on Margherita Ganeri’s studies on the historical genre and the canon. After an introductory chapter which argues the case for examining Sicilian female historical fiction as a distinct literary practice, the subsequent chapters feature textual analyses of each author’s main historical fiction works, supporting the reading of the texts with theoretical readings, including the micro-history of Carlo Ginzburg, the écriture féminine of Hélène Cixous, the abjection theory of Julia Kristeva, the theoretical propositions on “experience” by Joan Wallach Scott and Teresa De Lauretis, and the theory of gender as performance proposed by Judith Butler. The analyses underline the importance of the authors’ distinct feminine perspective over Sicilian history and ultimately suggest that the three writers represent significant examples of a “nomadic writing” to be placed outside the Sicilian male literary tradition.

Farmers, agriculture and politics in the Irish Free State area, 1919-1936

Given the economic and social importance of agriculture in the early years of the Irish Free State, it is surprising that the development of organisations representing farmers has not received the attention it deserves from historians. While the issues of government agricultural policy and the land question have been extensively studied in the historiography, the autonomous response by farmers to agricultural policies and the detailed study of the farmers’ organisations has simply been ignored in spite of the existence of a range of relevant primary sources. Farmers’ organisations have only received cursory treatment in these studies; they have been presented as passive spectators, responding in a Pavlovian manner to outside events. The existing historiography has only studied farmers’ organisations during periods when they impinged on national politics, epecially during the War of Independence and the Economic War. Therefore chronological gaps exist which has led to much misinterpretation of farmers’ activities. This thesis will redress this imbalance by studying the formation and continuous development of farmers’ organisations within the twenty-six county area and the reaction of farmers to changing government agricultural policies, over the period 1919 to 1936. The period under review entailed many attempts by farmers to form representative organisations and encompassed differing policy regimes. The thesis will open in 1919, when the first national organisation representing farmers, the Irish Farmers’ Union, was formed. In 1922, the union established the Farmers’ Party. By the mid- 1920’s, a number of protectionist agricultural associations had been formed. While the Farmers’ Party was eventually absorbed by Cumann na nGaedheal, local associations of independent farmers occupied the resultant vacuum and contested the 1932 election. These organisations formed the nucleus of a new national organisation; the National Farmers’ and Ratepayers’ League. The agricultural crisis caused by both the Great Depression and the Economic War facilitated the expansion of the league. The league formed a political party, the Centre Party, to contest the 1933 election. While the Centre Party was absorbed by the newly-formed Fine Gael, activists from the former farmer organisations led the campaign against the payment of annuities and rates. Many of them continued this campaign after 1934, when the Fine Gael leadership opposed the violent resistance to the collection of annuities. New farmer organisations were formed to co-ordinate this campaign which continued until 1936, the closing point of the thesis.

Continuity and change in monetary policy and banking in Ireland 1922-43

The primary objective of this thesis is to examine the development of monetary policy and banking in southern Ireland from the attainment of independence in 1922 (gained through the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921) to the establishment of the Central Bank of Ireland in 1943. This research serves to challenge the overwhelming concentration on the findings of a small number of major works, most notably by Ronan Fanning, Maurice Moynihan and Cormac Ó’Gráda, in the existing historiography. This thesis is based on the research hypothesis that there were two key factors impacting on the development of monetary and banking institutions in Ireland in the 1922-1943 period. First, an exogenous institutional context, primarily Anglo-Irish in focus, in which the wider macroeconomic landscape directly influenced monetary policy and banking in Ireland. Second, an individualist context in which the development of relationships between key individuals dictated development patterns and institutional structures. This research highlights that key Irish policymakers, such as Joseph Brennan, evidenced a more flexible and realistic approach to banking and monetary affairs than is currently recognised. It also develops three further issues which have been overlooked in the existing historiography. First, a germ of monetary reform existed in Ireland from as early as the mid-1920s and was consistent in promoting alternative policies in the period to 1943. Second, this research challenges the view that the creation of the Currency Commission in 1927 and the establishment of the Central Bank of Ireland in 1943 were insignificant events given the continued stagnation in Irish monetary policy in the decades after 1943. Third, this thesis identifies that wider international trends did influence Irish monetary and banking affairs in the 1922-43 period. At both an institutional and more individual level the process of monetary institution building in Ireland was directly impacted by wider international experiences.

Exploring the Zionist evolution of Robert Briscoe: History and memory

Robert Briscoe was the Dublin born son of Lithuanian and German-Jewish immigrants. As a young man he joined Sinn Féin and was an important figure in the War of Independence due to a role as one of the IRA’s main gun-procuring agents. He took the anti-Treaty side during an internecine Civil War, mainly due to the influence of Eamon de Valera and retained a filial devotion towards him for the rest of his life. In 1926 he was a founding member of Fianna Fáil, de Valera’s breakaway republican party, which would dominate twentieth-century Irish politics. He was first elected as a Fianna Fáil T.D. (Teachta Dála, Deputy to the Dáil) in 1927, and successfully defended his seat eleven times becoming the first Jewish Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1956, an honour that was repeated in 1961. On this basis alone, it can be argued that Briscoe was a significant presence in an embryonic Irish political culture; however, when his role in the 1930s Jewish immigration endeavor is acknowledged, it is clear that he played a unique part in one of the most contentious political and social discourses of the pre-war years. This was reinforced when Briscoe embraced Zionism in a belated realisation that the survival of his European co-religionists could only be guaranteed if an independent Jewish state existed. This information is to a certain degree public knowledge; however, the full extent of his involvement as an immigration advocate for potential Jewish refugees, and the seniority he achieved in the New Zionist Organisation (Revisionists) has not been fully recognised. This is partly explicable because researchers have based their assessment of Briscoe on an incomplete political archive in the National Library of Ireland (NLI). The vast majority of documentation pertaining to his involvement in the immigration endeavor has not been available to scholars and remains the private property of Robert Briscoe’s son, Ben Briscoe. The lack of immigration files in the NLI was reinforced by the fact that information about Briscoe’s Revisionist engagement was donated to the Jabotinsky Institute in Tel Aviv and can only be accessed physically by visiting Israel. Therefore, even though these twin endeavors have been commented on by a number of academics, their assessments have tended to be based on an incomplete archive, which was supplemented by Briscoe’s autobiographical memoir published in 1958. This study will attempt to fill in the missing gaps in Briscoe’s complex political narrative by incorporating the rarely used private papers of Robert Briscoe, and the difficult to access Briscoe files in Tel Aviv. This undertaking was only possible when Mr.Ben Briscoe graciously granted me full and unrestricted access to his father’s papers, and after a month-long research trip to the Jabotinsky Institute in Tel Aviv. Access to this rarely used documentation facilitated a holistic examination of Briscoe’s complex and multifaceted political reality. It revealed the full extent of Briscoe’s political and social evolution as the Nazi instigated Jewish emigration crisis reached catastrophic proportions. He was by turn Fianna Fáil nationalist, Jewish immigration advocate and senior Revisionist actor on a global stage. The study will examine the contrasting political and social forces that initiated each stage of Briscoe’s Zionist awakening, and in the process will fill a major gap in Irish-Jewish historiography by revealing the full extent of his Revisionist engagement.

Home, family and society: women of the Irish landed class, 1860-1914. A Munster case study

The thesis analyses the roles and experiences of female members of the Irish landed class (wives, sisters and daughters of gentry and aristocratic landlords with estates over 1,000 acres) using primary personal material generated by twelve sample families over an important period of decline for the class, and growing rights for women. Notably, it analyses the experiences of relatively unknown married and unmarried women, something previously untried in Irish historiography. It demonstrates that women’s roles were more significant than has been assumed in the existing literature, and leads to a more rounded understanding of the entire class. Four chapters focus on themes which emerge from the sources used and which deal with their roles both inside and outside the home. These chapters argue that: Married and unmarried women were more closely bound to the priorities of their class than their sex, and prioritised male-centred values of family and estate. Male and female duties on the property overlapped, as marriage relationships were more equal than the legislation of the time would suggest. London was the cultural centre for this class. Due to close familial links with Britain (60% of sample daughters married English men) their self-perception was British or English, as well as Irish. With the self-confidence of their class, these women enjoyed cultural and political activities and movements outside the home (sport, travel, fashion, art, writing, philanthropy, (anti-)suffrage, and politics). Far from being pawns in arranged marriages, women were deeply conscious of their marriage decisions and chose socially, financially and personally compatible husbands; they also looked for sexual satisfaction. Childbirth sometimes caused lasting health problems, but pregnancy did not confine wealthy women to an invalid state. In opposition to the stereotypical distant aristocratic mother, these women breastfed their children, and were involved mothers. However, motherhood was not permitted to impinge on the more pressing role of wife

Popular culture, relational history, and the question of power in Palestine and Israel

The marginalization of popular culture in radical scholarship on Palestine and Israel is symptomatic of the conceptual limits that still define much Middle East studies scholarship: namely, the prevailing logic of the nation-state on the one hand and the analytic tools of classical Marxist historiography and political economy on the other. This essay offers a polemic about the form that alternative scholarly projects might take through recourse to questions of popular culture. The authors argue that close allention to the ways that popular culture "articulates" with broader political, social, and economic processes can expand scholarly understandings of the terrain of power in Palestine and Israel, and hence the possible arenas and modalities of struggle. © 2004 by the Institute for Palestine Studies. All rights reserved.