904 resultados para socio-political action


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This article provides an overview and analysis of the Greek June 2012 elections. Placing the elections within the broader framework of the Greek socio-political and economic context, it discusses the electoral campaign and results, juxtaposing them to the 6 May electoral round. The election results confirmed many of the trends of the previous round, including electoral volatility, the fragmentation of the party system and the rise of anti-establishment forces. The main difference was the entrenchment of the pro- versus anti- bailout division and the prominence of the question of Greece’s continued Eurozone membership.

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This ethnographic inquiry examines how family languages policies are planned and developed in ten Chinese immigrant families in Quebec, Canada, with regard to their children’s language and literacy education in three languages, Chinese, English, and French. The focus is on how multilingualism is perceived and valued, and how these three languages are linked to particular linguistic markets. The parental ideology that underpins the family language policy, the invisible language planning, is the central focus of analysis. The results suggest that family language policies are strongly influenced by socio-political and economical factors. In addition, the study confirms that the parents’ educational background, their immigration experiences and their cultural disposition, in this case pervaded by Confucian thinking, contribute significantly to parental expectations and aspirations and thus to the family language policies.

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The political economy literature on agriculture emphasizes influence over political outcomes via lobbying conduits in general, political action committee contributions in particular and the pervasive view that political preferences with respect to agricultural issues are inherently geographic. In this context, ‘interdependence’ in Congressional vote behaviour manifests itself in two dimensions. One dimension is the intensity by which neighboring vote propensities influence one another and the second is the geographic extent of voter influence. We estimate these facets of dependence using data on a Congressional vote on the 2001 Farm Bill using routine Markov chain Monte Carlo procedures and Bayesian model averaging, in particular. In so doing, we develop a novel procedure to examine both the reliability and the consequences of different model representations for measuring both the ‘scale’ and the ‘scope’ of spatial (geographic) co-relations in voting behaviour.

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This article investigates the contested ideology of al-Qaeda through an analysis of Osama bin Ladin’s writings and public statements issued between 1994 and 2011, set in relation to the development of Islamic thought and changing socio-political realities in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Challenging popular conceptions of Wahhabism and the “Salafi jihad”, it reveals an idealistic, Pan-Islamic sentiment at the core of his messages that is not based on the main schools of Islamic theology, but is the result of a crisis of meaning of Islam in the modern world. Both before and after the death of al-Qaeda’s iconic leader, the continuing process of religious, political and intellectual fragmentation of the Muslim world has led to bin Ladin’s vision for unity being replaced by local factions and individuals pursuing their own agendas in the name of al-Qaeda and Islam.

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This paper makes a theoretical case for using these two systems approaches together. The theoretical and methodological assumptions of system dynamics (SD) and soft system methodology (SSM) are briefly described and a partial critique is presented. SSM generates and represents diverse perspectives on a problem situation and addresses the socio-political elements of an intervention. However, it is weak in ensuring `dynamic coherence'. consistency between the intuitive behaviour resulting from proposed changes and behaviour deduced from ideas on causal structure. Conversely, SD examines causal structures and dynamic behaviours. However, whilst emphasising the need for a clear issue focus, it has little theory for generating and representing diverse issues. Also, there is no theory for facilitating sensitivity to socio-political elements. A synthesis of the two called ‘Holon Dynamics' is proposed. After an SSM intervention, a second stage continues the socio-political analysis and also operates within a new perspective which values dynamic coherence of the mental construct - the holon - which is capable of expressing the proposed changes. A model of this holon is constructed using SD and the changes are thus rendered `systemically desirable' in the additional sense that dynamic consistency has been confirmed. The paper closes with reflections on the proposal and the need for theoretical consistency when mixing tools is emphasised.

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The integration of high-resolution archaeological, textual, and environmental data with longer-term, low-resolution data affords greater precision in identifying some of the causal relationships underlying societal change. Regional and microregional case studies about the Byzantine world—in particular, Anatolia, which for several centuries was the heart of that world—reveal many of the difficulties that researchers face when attempting to assess the influence of environmental factors on human society. The Anatolian case challenges a number of assumptions about the impact of climatic factors on socio-political organization and medium-term historical evolution, highlighting the importance of further collaboration between historians, archaeologists, and climate scientists.

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In the four Parts of Gulliver’s Travels the narrator attends closely to the manual skills, crafts and techniques of the different countries visited and to the materials and instruments by which they are mediated. The patterned, motif-like presentation of these observations and their rich contextual background, historical and literary, indicate their special significance. These references to technique play an important, previously underappreciated roll in Gulliver. They form a thematic connection between its embodied, sensual, compulsive descriptions of the world and its socio-political satire, the latter focusing on technocratic, professionalized statecraft. They are crucial to the peculiar fullness with which Swift’s writing imagines different communities of practice, different ecologies of mind.

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This chapter considers a perhaps unexpected connection between disability and animal studies, given disability studies' understandable reluctance to be associated with animal liberation/rights struggles. It finds that both fields remain rooted in ideas of experience and feeling, or the notion of an essential embodied experience, even while they offer up critiques of the way essentialism operates more broadly to disenfranchise or disadvantage the groups they represent. The chapter goes on to analyse what the implications are of this notion of 'embodiment' and the materialism that accompanies it, it foregrounds the contradictions that ensue, and then discusses what this means for the way political action is (and can be) conceived of.

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Around AD 1000, the southern Brazilian highlands witnessed a convergence of phenomena: climatic change, the abrupt expansion of Araucaria forest and the appearance of large pit-houses and monumental mound and enclosure complexes, which signal fundamental socio-political and ideological change amongst southern proto-Jê (SPJ) groups. These developments raise intriguing questions regarding the relationships between people, vegetation and climate over the last 2000 years.

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At the beginning of the Medieval Climate Anomaly, in the ninth and tenth century, the medieval eastern Roman empire, more usually known as Byzantium, was recovering from its early medieval crisis and experiencing favourable climatic conditions for the agricultural and demographic growth. Although in the Balkans and Anatolia such favourable climate conditions were prevalent during the eleventh century, parts of the imperial territories were facing significant challenges as a result of external political/military pressure. The apogee of medieval Byzantine socio-economic development, around AD 1150, coincides with a period of adverse climatic conditions for its economy, so it becomes obvious that the winter dryness and high climate variability at this time did not hinder Byzantine society and economy from achieving that level of expansion. Soon after this peak, towards the end of the twelfth century, the populations of the Byzantine world were experiencing unusual climatic conditions with marked dryness and cooler phases. The weakened Byzantine socio-political system must have contributed to the events leading to the fall of Constantinople in AD 1204 and the sack of the city. The final collapse of the Byzantine political control over western Anatolia took place half century later, thus contemporaneous with the strong cooling effect after a tropical volcanic eruption in AD 1257. We suggest that, regardless of a range of other influential factors, climate change was also an important contributing factor to the socio-economic changes that took place in Byzantium during the Medieval Climate Anomaly. Crucially, therefore, while the relatively sophisticated and complex Byzantine society was certainly influenced by climatic conditions, and while it nevertheless displayed a significant degree of resilience, external pressures as well as tensions within the Byzantine society more broadly contributed to an increasing vulnerability in respect of climate impacts. Our interdisciplinary analysis is based on all available sources of information on the climate and society of Byzantium, that is textual (documentary), archaeological, environmental, climate and climate model-based evidence about the nature and extent of climate variability in the eastern Mediterranean. The key challenge was, therefore, to assess the relative influence to be ascribed to climate variability and change on the one hand, and on the other to the anthropogenic factors in the evolution of Byzantine state and society (such as invasions, changes in international or regional market demand and patterns of production and consumption, etc.). The focus of this interdisciplinary

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In the era of globalization, countries compete with each other for attention, respect and trust of potential consumers, investors, tourists, media and governments of other nations. Branding is the most powerful tool that a nation can utilize for effective differentiation strategies and for creating competitive advantage over other nations. Unfortunately, not every nations or destination marketers have a broad understanding of the concept of branding and how a country can be successfully branded. Hence, this study has proposed a model that could be used as a valuable guide for country branding. Also the model is recommended for countries struggling with image crisis; on the mission to improve the image internationally. Nigeria is a good example of countries with image crisis; it is one of the most populated countries in the world with a population of about 160 million inhabitants and growth rate of 2.553percent annually. Despite the abundant resources (e.g. coal, petroleum, natural gas etc.) that the nation is endowed with, it is quite disappointing that the population below poverty line is still at the alarming rate of 70percent of the total population. The mismanagement and poor leadership of the nation characterised by corruption, fraud, embezzlement of public fund etc. has culminated into serious image crisis that is slowing down the potential for investment and economic growth. However, there has been series of image rebranding campaigns but no tangible achievement has been recorded. It is quite questionable though, if image rebranding will provide the kind of future that Nigeria envisaged, considering the socio-political situation and the economic imbalance; compounded by the obvious fact that the nation has no known brand. Therefore, this paper argues that there is need to redirect the effort invested on image rebranding to the creation of a unique and competitive brand for the country. It was established from the study that a nation’s brand is capable of improving the reputation of the nation as well as stimulate the expectation of the target audience. However, it was also established from the study that a wrong approach to branding could mislead the target audience and attract negative publicity. Hence, as a contribution of the study to the field of branding, a model was proposed as a functional guide for country branding. Also, considering the abysmal performance of Nigeria’s image in the international community and to strengthen the argument that brand creation is required for the country; an experimental application of the proposed model was conducted using Nigeria as the case country. The first phase of the model suggested a major improvement in the society; this is required to further enhance the strengths of the country and to motivate the much needed community participation and confidence in the brand creation. It is the conclusion of the study that a strong nation brand can offset the image problem if it is built on something concrete, genuine, and uniquely identifiable with the country, capable of connecting to the cognitive psychology of the target audience.

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Our best time is now? On conception of time and political self-understanding This study regards time as a horizon for action and argues that conception of time has great implication for political self-understanding. In the study, the modern conception of time, with its orientation towards the future, is contrasted with the late modern conception of time, which is characterized by a de-legitimization of utopian thinking and by an orientation towards the present. Political action is changing, from a transformation of the present into the future, to a management of the present. In this situation the future is not perceived as something qualitatively different than present, but is, as Helga Nowotny puts it, reduced to an ‘extended present’. Or, to speak with Luhmann, the future is a ‘present future’ where only one ‘future present’ is conceivable. The future is in that sense increasingly closed. The paper argues that the current pragmatization of politics is partly due to changes in temporal representations, and suggests that more attention should be given to temporal semantics in political analysis.

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A incorporação do enfoque territorial como fundamento para as políticas de desenvolvimento rural ocasionou, dentre outros avanços, no rompimento com a tradição vertical e centralizadora das estratégias de desenvolvimento, e na consequente valorização das iniciativas e dos atores locais. Tal abordagem acolhe a gestão social, e seus princípios da inclusão, relativo à incorporação dos atores excluídos do processo decisório, e do pluralismo, que diz respeito à multiplicidade de atores na tomada de decisões sobre as políticas públicas. No caso brasileiro, o enfoque territorial é encampado pelo Programa de Desenvolvimento Sustentável dos Territórios Rurais e pelo seu sucessor, o Programa Territórios da Cidadania. No entanto, a trajetória das políticas de desenvolvimento rural é francamente setorial, ao privilegiar as organizações vinculadas à agricultura familiar e excluir as organizações representantes dos empresários, apesar dos princípios portados pela gestão social e da adoção da abordagem territorial, que implicam na mobilização das forças sociais dinâmicas presentes nos territórios. Assim, considerada a importância da participação empresarial para o êxito das políticas dessa natureza, este trabalho analisa as possibilidades de inclusão das representações dos empresários para o pluralismo no âmbito do Programa Territórios da Cidadania. Para tanto, realizou-se um estudo de caso no Norte- RJ, no qual foram entrevistados representantes da sociedade civil, dos empresários, do SEBRAE e do Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário, cujas informações foram complementadas por análise documental, e tratadas por meio de análise de conteúdo com grade mista elaborada com base no conceito de cidadania deliberativa habermasiano. Os resultados relevam que as representações empresariais não estão inseridas no colegiado territorial do Norte-RJ, e tampouco conhecem o Programa Territórios da Cidadania. As entidades da sociedade civil, que consideram o colegiado como Fórum da Agricultura Familiar, rechaçam indistintamente a inclusão dos empresários por conta de diferenças sócio-políticas, agravadas pelo histórico da região. O pluralismo também é atravancado pelos processos de formação do território, de composição do colegiado e de elaboração e avaliação dos projetos. As representações empresariais, por seu turno, já estão inseridas em outras instâncias de participação social, como conselhos municipais de políticas públicas, e aceitam a dinâmica que rege estes espaços pautados na racionalidade substantiva. Sua inserção pode ser facilitada pelo SEBRAE/RJ que, além de gozar de prestígio dentre os empresários, tem fomentado a articulação dos atores territoriais. Não obstante as possibilidades para a inclusão, o modelo de gestão social em vigor não é capaz de promover a concertação social das forças dinâmicas em prol do desenvolvimento do território Norte-RJ. Palavras-

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O objetivo deste estudo foi apresentar uma análise da democratização do ensino no sistema educacionalportuguês. O tema, porém, não podia e não devia ser tratado sem a inserção no contexto histórico e político correspondente. A época em foco era, realmente, de instabilidade e transição. Daí a desenvoltura dada a certos aspectos que não só condicionaram. mas circunstanciaram toda a ação política portuguesa nos anos que precederam a revolução de 74. A democratização do ensino em Portugal e o aIvo da curiosidade e o objeto de estudo. Considerada um lapso, um hiato ou parêntesis no processo da educação portuguesa, ela é, em parte, um pouco de tudo isso. Mas não é tudo. Este estudo pretende mostrar o que se deve pensar a respeito.

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Teorias consideradas mainstream em estratégia dão reduzida ênfase ao relacionamento entre empresas e governos. A importância desse relacionamento é fundamental, dado que a influência governamental pode ter papel determinante na lucratividade das empresas. A este campo de estudos das atividades das empresas na tentativa de moldar as políticas públicas denominou-se Corporate Political Activity (CPA) ou ainda estratégias políticas. A importância da atividade se traduz nos valores investidos pelas empresas nestas atividades, que tem apresentado crescimento. As despesas com lobbying nos Estados Unidos representaram US$ 3,3 bilhões em 2011, frente a US$ 1,7 bilhões em 2001. As contribuições totais de campanha no Brasil foram da ordem de R$ 3,7 bilhões em 2010, comparados a R$ 1,7 bilhões doados em 2006. Este trabalho trata da influência dos aspectos cognitivos na formação de estratégias políticas no setor sucroalcooleiro brasileiro. Utilizando-se as proposições da existência de comunidades cognitivas formadas a partir do esforço em interpretar desafios estratégicos, que por sua vez levam a criação de estruturas cognitivas compartilhadas (Porac e Thomas, 2002), explorou-se como estas estruturas cognitivas influenciam as escolhas em CPA (Hillman et al., 2004). Os resultados dão suporte à influência das estruturas cognitivas nas escolhas em CPA. A partir da definição das dimensões que compõe as estruturas cognitivas de cada uma das comunidades, demonstrou-se que as escolhas em CPA estavam ligadas a estas estruturas, e não puramente a decisões racionais e econômicas. Ao demonstrar suporte à influência cognitiva sobre as escolhas em CPA, este trabalho contribui para as discussões sobre os antecedentes “não estruturais” (ou como colocam Cook e Berry (1995) comportamentais) que afetam as escolhas em CPA.