Continuidades y rupturas en el discurso regional argentino : El proceso de construcción conceptual de la Pampa

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo comparar las principales propuestas de regionalización del territorio argentino buscando establecer -a partir de su relevamiento, análisis y comparación- continuidades y rupturas en torno a la construcción conceptual de la Pampa. Esta preocupación se establece dentro de la perspectiva que señala que la geografía regional -en tanto modalidad de escritura geográfica que apela a la distinción, nominación y ordenamiento de entidades subnacionales para ofrecer interpretaciones de conjunto sobre el territorio y la sociedad de un país-, en sus diversas propuestas, implica modos de representar y de abordar las asimetrías internas de una sociedad. Se profundiza, entonces, tanto en los diversos paradigmas sobre los cuales se han establecido dichas propuestas como en las construcciones que estas han desarrollado de la región en cuestión. Se trata de una unidad geográfica que ha sido recurrentemente imaginada como poseedora de una supuesta centralidad basada en el peso demográfico e industrial, el nivel de la productividad agropecuaria, la generación de grandes riquezas económicas, su historia, y el rol aglutinador/articulador de la economía y la política

Continuidades y rupturas en el discurso regional argentino : El proceso de construcción conceptual de la Pampa

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo comparar las principales propuestas de regionalización del territorio argentino buscando establecer -a partir de su relevamiento, análisis y comparación- continuidades y rupturas en torno a la construcción conceptual de la Pampa. Esta preocupación se establece dentro de la perspectiva que señala que la geografía regional -en tanto modalidad de escritura geográfica que apela a la distinción, nominación y ordenamiento de entidades subnacionales para ofrecer interpretaciones de conjunto sobre el territorio y la sociedad de un país-, en sus diversas propuestas, implica modos de representar y de abordar las asimetrías internas de una sociedad. Se profundiza, entonces, tanto en los diversos paradigmas sobre los cuales se han establecido dichas propuestas como en las construcciones que estas han desarrollado de la región en cuestión. Se trata de una unidad geográfica que ha sido recurrentemente imaginada como poseedora de una supuesta centralidad basada en el peso demográfico e industrial, el nivel de la productividad agropecuaria, la generación de grandes riquezas económicas, su historia, y el rol aglutinador/articulador de la economía y la política

Continuidades y rupturas en el discurso regional argentino : El proceso de construcción conceptual de la Pampa

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo comparar las principales propuestas de regionalización del territorio argentino buscando establecer -a partir de su relevamiento, análisis y comparación- continuidades y rupturas en torno a la construcción conceptual de la Pampa. Esta preocupación se establece dentro de la perspectiva que señala que la geografía regional -en tanto modalidad de escritura geográfica que apela a la distinción, nominación y ordenamiento de entidades subnacionales para ofrecer interpretaciones de conjunto sobre el territorio y la sociedad de un país-, en sus diversas propuestas, implica modos de representar y de abordar las asimetrías internas de una sociedad. Se profundiza, entonces, tanto en los diversos paradigmas sobre los cuales se han establecido dichas propuestas como en las construcciones que estas han desarrollado de la región en cuestión. Se trata de una unidad geográfica que ha sido recurrentemente imaginada como poseedora de una supuesta centralidad basada en el peso demográfico e industrial, el nivel de la productividad agropecuaria, la generación de grandes riquezas económicas, su historia, y el rol aglutinador/articulador de la economía y la política

Ethnicity and Elections under Authoritarianism: The Case of Kazakhstan

Despite the ethnicisation of power since independence in 1991, Kazakhstan has managed to maintain political stability without experiencing large-scale mobilisation to oppose Kazakh domination. This paper examines government strategy to avoid ethnic voting in an attempt to explain why ethnic divisions were rarely reflected in the struggle for power in the republic. While the arbitrary use of legal provisions considerably limited participation in elections by ethnic leaders, powerful pro-president parties that exhibited a cross-ethnic character were created to curtail ethnically based movements. The control strategy in elections aimed not simply at ethnicising the parliament in favour of Kazakhs, but at having loyal Russians and other minorities represented in the legislature through nomination by the president and catch-all pro-regime parties, or through the presidential consultative body—Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan. This well-controlled representation of minorities served not only to placate non-Kazakhs but also to provide legitimacy for the Kazakh-dominated leadership by projecting the image of cross-ethnic support for the president and some degree of power-sharing.

Caracterização do potencial evocado auditivo cortical P1-N1-P2 em crianças com estimulação bimodal

Introdução: O implante coclear (IC) amplamente aceito como forma de intervenção e (re) habilitação nas perdas auditivas severas e profundas nas diversas faixas etárias. Contudo observa-se no usuário do IC unilateral queixas como localização e compreensão sonora em meio ao ruído, gerado pelo padrão anormal de estimulação sensorial. A fim de fornecer os benefícios da audição binaural, é preconizado a estimulação bilateral, seja por meio do IC bilateral ou com a adaptação de um aparelho de amplificação sonora individual (AASI) contralateralmente ao IC. Esta última condição é referida como estimulação bimodal, quando temos, concomitantemente dois modos de estimulação: Elétrica (IC) e acústica (AASI). Não há dados suficientes na literatura voltados à população infantil que esclareça ou demonstre o desenvolvimento do córtex auditivo na audição bimodal. Ressalta-se que não foram encontrados estudos em crianças. Objetivo: Caracterizar o PEAC complexo P1, N1 P2 em usuários da estimulação bimodal e verificar se há correlação com testes de percepção de fala. Metodologia: Estudo descritivo de séries de casos, com a realização do PEAC em cinco crianças usuárias da estimulação bimodal, a partir da metodologia proposta por Ventura (2008) utilizando o sistema Smart EP USB Jr da Intelligent Hearing Systems. Foi utilizado o som de fala /da/, apresentado em campo livre. O exame será realizado em três situações: Somente IC, IC e AASI e somente AASI. A análise dos dados dos potenciais corticais foi realizada após a marcação da presença ou ausência dos componentes do complexo P1-N1-P2 por dois juízes com experiência em potenciais evocados. Resultados: Foi obtida a captação do PEAC em todas as crianças em todas as situações de teste, além do que foi possível observar a correlação destes com os testes de percepção auditiva da fala. Foi possível verificar que o registro dos PEAC é um procedimento viável para a avaliação da criança com estimulação bimodal, porém, ainda não há dados suficientes quanto a utilização deste para a avaliação e indicação do IC bilateral.

A New Start for the EU’s Area of Freedom, Security and Justice? Setting of Priorities for the New European Commission. CEPS Commentary, 23 September 2014

The nomination of a First Vice-President (Frans Timmermans) in charge of rule of law and the EU Charter of Fundamental is one of the more far-reaching innovations contained in the new institutional shape of the Juncker Commission. This CEPS Commentary by Sergio Carrera and Elspeth Guild welcomes the fact that a new fundamental rights and rule of law First Vice-President will exercise a coordination and advisory role over the other two JHA Commissioners – Věra Jourová, responsible for Justice, Consumers and Gender Equality (DG Justice); and Dimitris Avramopoulos, responsible for Migration and Home Affairs (DG Home Affairs), but expresses a note caution whether this new role and triangular relationship can be made to work effectively in practice.

The European Council's strategic guidelines and immigration: can the EU be bold and innovative? EPC Commentary, 25 June 2014

The agenda of the June 2014 EU Summit will be particularly heavy. Alongside issues related to the conclusion of the European Semester, the climate and energy framework, possible debates about Ukraine, Iraq and Syria, EU leaders will have to decide on two key dossiers: the nomination of the next Commission President and the future of the area of freedom, security and justice.

Priorities for the Juncker Commission: Policy recommendations and advice from the research team at CEPS. CEPS Special Report No. 92, 22 October 2014

In the months leading up to his nomination as President of the European Commission by the European Council in June 2014 through to his approval by the European Parliament in mid-July and finally his approval at a second special summit in August, CEPS’ researchers have closely followed the travails of Jean-Claude Juncker. We have also carefully studied his fundamental restructuring of the College in re-grouping commissioners around seven project teams, each headed by a vice-president. In our view, these changes promise to improve internal coordination, policy-making and transparency of rule-making and hopefully will reduce the personalisation of portfolios. This Special Report brings together under a single cover a series of 14 separate commentaries prepared by senior CEPS researchers, offering their assessment of these profound changes underway and their policy advice to the new commissioners from the perspective of their field of specialisation.

Russia's strategy towards Moldova: continuation or change? OSW Commentary No. 74, 2012-04-19

The nomination on 21 March of deputy prime minister Dmitri Rogozin to the newly created post of the Russian president’s special representative for Transnistria and to the post of co-chairman of the Russian-Moldovan intergovernmental committee demonstrates the Kremlin’s increased interest in Moldova, and may be a sign of a change in Russia’s strategy towards this country. Other developments which may suggest a revival of Russia’s policy towards Moldova include the appointment on 5 April of Farit Mukhametshin as Russia’s new ambassador in Chisinau. Mukhametshin is a high-ranking official who had previously headed the Federal Agency for the Commonwealth of Independent States, Compatriots Living Abroad and International Humanitarian Cooperation (Rossotrudnichestvo), which is one of the major instruments of Russia’s ‘soft power’ policy towards the post-Soviet states. The Kremlin’s growing interest in Moldova has further been confirmed by an unprecedented visit by Russia’s defence minister Anatoly Serdyukov to Transnistria on 12 April, and a two-day visit by Dmitri Rogozin to Chisinau and Tiraspol on 16–17 April.

European Union Leadership and Enlargement in 2014. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 14, July 2014

On July 15, 2014 the European Parliament confirmed the new European Commission President. An absolute majority was needed for this purpose, and the 422 votes “For” cleared the 376-vote threshold in the legislative body of 751 members. A Grand Coalition has been formed among the three largest political parties: the European People’s Party (EPP), the Progressive Alliances of Socialists Democrats (S&D), and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE). Considering policy decisions going forward, the European Union (EU) faces the pressing question: Will there be more, less, or similar power from the EU? There are a greater number voices from across the political spectrum contributing to the democratic plurality. European leaders may regain trust by acknowledging that future governance will not be “business as usual” as the reform agenda gets underway. 2014 has been an exciting and important year in European politics. “This time is different” was the motto for the European Parliament’s election campaign. This essay analyzes recent EU political trends with the new Commission leadership and the Parliamentary elections results. The Parliamentary elections, held in late May, and the new European Commission, planned to be in place in the autumn, influence the leadership direction of the 28-member bloc. Additionally, this year on July 1 Croatia celebrated the first anniversary of joining the EU in 2013. Leading the way for candidate countries, Croatia embraces the democratic politics and capitalist market economics embodied by the EU. The greater number of seats held by newer political parties in the European Parliament demonstrates increasing plurality in the EU democracy. The Parliamentary elections have taken place every 5 years since 1979. In this eighth legislative session, the EPP and the S&D remain the largest parties represented, with 221 and 191 seats respectively. As the EU has evolved, a greater number of voices influence politics. The ongoing point of contention on a host of policies is national sovereignty in relation to pooled sovereignty in the EU. The European Parliament is important for democracy in EU governance since it is the direct link from the national citizens to their elected leaders at the supranational level. The representatives of the European Commission are appointed by the national governments of Member States, and their heads of government are the representatives to the European Council. These three political institutions – the European Parliament, the European Commission, and the European Council – together with other important institutions, including the European Court of Justice Luxembourg, form the EU. The new European Commission President is Jean-Claude Juncker, former Prime Minister and Minister of Finance of Luxembourg (1995-2013). After being nominated by the European Council on June 27, his candidacy was voted on by the European Parliament on July 15, according to the guidelines of the Lisbon Treaty. The leadership for the President of the European Commission has been an important issue, considering Britain’s deliberations on whether or not to stay in the EU in the face of a future national referendum. Voting on June 27, among the European Council on the nomination of Commission President-Designate Juncker, was 26 in favor and 2 opposed. Only Viktor Orbán, the prime minister of Hungary, joined David Cameron, the prime minister of the United Kingdom (UK), with a negative vote (Spiegel and Parker 2014). The UK had not been supportive, being concerned that Juncker embraces the policies of a federalist, prioritizing an ever-closer union above the interests of individual Member States. Historically, since joining the predecessor institution of the European Economic Community in 1973, the UK has had a relatively independent attitude about participation in the EU.

An appropriated state? Moldova’s uncertain prospects for modernisation. OSW COMMENTARY 168, 22.04.2015,

From the Introduction. There have been several significant changes on Moldova’s domestic political scene in the wake of the November 2014 parliamentary elections there. Negotiations lasted nearly two months and resulted in the formation of a minority coalition composed of two groupings: the Liberal-Democratic Party (PLDM) and the Democratic Party (PDM). New coalition received unofficial support from the Communist Party (PCRM), which had previously been considered an opposition party. Contrary to their initial announcements, PDLM and PDM did not admit the Liberal Party led by Mihai Ghimpu to power. Moreover, they blocked the nomination for prime minister of the incumbent, Iurie Leancă. Leancă has been perceived by many as an honest politician and a guarantor of reforms. This situation resulted in the political model present in Moldova since 2009 being preserved. In this model the state’s institutions are subordinated to two main oligarch politicians: Vlad Filat (the leader of PLDM) and Vlad Plahotniuc (a billionaire who de facto controls PDM).

A captured state? Moldova’s uncertain prospects for modernisation. OSW Commentary No. 168, 22 April 2015

There have been several significant changes on Moldova’s domestic political scene in the wake of the November 2014 parliamentary elections there. Negotiations lasted nearly two months and resulted in the formation of a minority coalition composed of two groupings: the Liberal-Democratic Party (PLDM) and the Democratic Party (PDM). New coalition received unofficial support from the Communist Party (PCRM), which had previously been considered an opposition party. Contrary to their initial announcements, PDLM and PDM did not admit the Liberal Party led by Mihai Ghimpu to power. Moreover, they blocked the nomination for prime minister of the incumbent, Iurie Leancă. Leancă has been perceived by many as an honest politician and a guarantor of reforms. This situation resulted in the political model present in Moldova since 2009 being preserved. In this model the state’s institutions are subordinated to two main oligarch politicians: Vlad Filat (the leader of PLDM) and Vlad Plahotniuc (a billionaire who de facto controls PDM).

Odessa Oblast: Governor Saakashvili’s superficial changes. OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 196|February 2016

Two years after the Revolution of Dignity, Odessa Oblast, one of Ukraine’s key regions in economic and political terms, is still strongly polarised as regards its residents’ views on the future of their country. The political circles rooted in the Party of Regions have maintained their influence to a great extent due to increasing dissatisfaction with the central government’s activity and with the economic crisis which has strongly affected the public. Politicians linked to the ancien régime remain the most important political players. Some pro-Ukrainian circles had pinned their hopes for change in the region on the nomination of the former Georgian president, Mikheil Saakashvili, for governor of Odessa Oblast on 30 May 2015. At the beginning of his rule this politician made widely publicised promises to combat corruption, to improve the quality of the administration services, to develop infrastructure and to attract foreign capital. However, more than half a year has passed since he assumed office, and it is difficult to speak about any spectacular successes in reforming the region. Saakashvili has above all become a player on the national forum, supporting the presidential camp in their struggle with Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk and the oligarch Ihor Kolomoyskyi, among others. However, his nomination has made Odessa Oblast more important for Ukraine, above all in political and symbolic terms. This is because Odessa Oblast is the best manifestation of the condition of the Ukrainian state two years since the Revolution of Dignity – rudimentary reforms or no reforms at all, strong resistance to any changes from the administration, strong local political-business connections, the lack of consolidation among post-Maidan groups and corruption inherent in the system.

Moldova: from oligarchic pluralism to Plahotniuc’s hegemony. OSW Commentary Number 208/07.04.2016

Moldova’s political system took shape due to the six-year rule of the Alliance for European Integration coalition but it has undergone a major transformation over the past six months. Resorting to skilful political manoeuvring and capitalising on his control over the Moldovan judiciary system, Vlad Plahotniuc, one of the leaders of the nominally pro-European Democratic Party and the richest person in the country, was able to bring about the arrest of his main political competitor, the former prime minister Vlad Filat, in October 2015. Then he pushed through the nomination of his trusted aide, Pavel Filip, for prime minister. In effect, Plahotniuc has concentrated political and business influence in his own hands on a scale unseen so far in Moldova’s history since 1991. All this indicates that he already not only controls the judiciary, the anti-corruption institutions, the Constitutional Court and the economic structures, but has also subordinated the greater part of parliament and is rapidly tightening his grip on the section of the state apparatus which until recently was influenced by Filat.

Chroniques de J. Froissart,

Vol. 8, pt. II, to vol. 11, edited by Gaston Raynaud; vol. 12- by Léon Mirot.