Explaining car drivers' intention to prevent road-traffic noise: An application of the Norm Activation Model

Strengthening car drivers’ intention to prevent road-traffic noise is a first step toward noise abatement through voluntary change of behavior. We analyzed predictors of this intention based on the norm activation model (i.e., personal norm, problem awareness, awareness of consequences, social norm, and value orientations). Moreover, we studied the effects of noise exposure, noise sensitivity, and noise annoyance on problem awareness. Data came from 1,002 car drivers who participated in a two-wave longitudinal survey over 4 months. Personal norm had a large prospective effect on intention, even when the previous level of intention was controlled for, and mediated the effect of all other variables on intention. Almost 60% of variance in personal norm was explained by problem awareness, social norm, and biospheric value orientation. The effects of noise sensitivity and noise exposure on problem awareness were small and mediated by noise annoyance. We propose four communication strategies for strengthening the intention to prevent road-traffic noise in car drivers.

Solitaire™ with the Intention for Thrombectomy as Primary Endovascular Treatment for Acute Ischemic Stroke (SWIFT PRIME) trial: protocol for a randomized, controlled, multicenter study comparing the Solitaire revascularization device with IV tPA with IV tPA alone in acute ischemic stroke.

RATIONALE Early reperfusion in patients experiencing acute ischemic stroke is critical, especially for patients with large vessel occlusion who have poor prognosis without revascularization. Solitaire™ stent retriever devices have been shown to immediately restore vascular perfusion safely, rapidly, and effectively in acute ischemic stroke patients with large vessel occlusions. AIM The aim of the study was to demonstrate that, among patients with large vessel, anterior circulation occlusion who have received intravenous tissue plasminogen activator, treatment with Solitaire revascularization devices reduces degree of disability 3 months post stroke. DESIGN The study is a global multicenter, two-arm, prospective, randomized, open, blinded end-point trial comparing functional outcomes in acute ischemic stroke patients who are treated with either intravenous tissue plasminogen activator alone or intravenous tissue plasminogen activator in combination with the Solitaire device. Up to 833 patients will be enrolled. PROCEDURES Patients who have received intravenous tissue plasminogen activator are randomized to either continue with intravenous tissue plasminogen activator alone or additionally proceed to neurothrombectomy using the Solitaire device within six-hours of symptom onset. STUDY OUTCOMES The primary end-point is 90-day global disability, assessed with the modified Rankin Scale (mRS). Secondary outcomes include mortality at 90 days, functional independence (mRS ≤ 2) at 90 days, change in National Institutes of Health Stroke Scale at 27 h, reperfusion at 27 h, and thrombolysis in cerebral infarction 2b/3 flow at the end of the procedure. ANALYSIS Statistical analysis will be conducted using simultaneous success criteria on the overall distribution of modified Rankin Scale (Rankin shift) and proportions of subjects achieving functional independence (mRS 0-2).

Pre-Election Positions and Voting Behaviour in Parliament: Consistency among Swiss MPs

This article examines the determinants of positional incongruence between pre-election statements and post-election behaviour in the Swiss parliament between 2003 and 2009. The question is examined at the individual MP level, which is appropriate for dispersion-of-powers systems like Switzerland. While the overall rate of political congruence reaches about 85%, a multilevel logit analysis detects the underlying factors which push or curb a candidate's propensity to change his or her mind once elected. The results show that positional changes are more likely when (1) MPs are freshmen, (2) individual voting behaviour is invisible to the public, (3) the electoral district magnitude is not small, (4) the vote is not about a party's core issue, (5) the MP belongs to a party which is located in the political centre, and (6) if the pre-election statement dissents from the majority position of the legislative party group. Of these factors, the last one is paramount.

Political Education and First-Time Voting in Switzerland

The proposed paper investigates the effect of political education on first-time voting in Switzerland. Theoretically, the paper takes up assumptions of recent research that political education is positively related to political interest, and hence to political participation. Thereby, the paper adds to the literature in two aspects: First, in Switzerland, education is a cantonal matter presenting a unique opportunity to investigate the impact of political education on voting on individual as well as cantonal level. Second, political education is not only measured by political knowledge, but also by civic skills and attitudes acquired in school. Conceptually, the study adopts a multilevel approach permitting a simultaneous testing of the influence of individual and contextual determinants on electoral participation. This paper corresponds closely to the panel topic by examining the important question of how political education affects the voting behaviour of first-time voters not only on individual, but also on contextual level.

The Demand for Power Diffusion: A Case Study of the 2005 Constitutional Referendum Voting in Kenya

Recent studies on the history of economic development demonstrate that concentration of power on a monarch or a ruling coalition impedes economic growth and that institutional changes that diffuse power, though beneficial to the society in general, are opposed by some social groups. In November 2005, Kenyans rejected a proposed constitution primarily because it did not reduce the powers of the executive to any significant degree. Using data of voting patterns in the constitutional referendum and following the rational choice framework, I estimate a model of the demand for power diffusion and demonstrate that groups voting decisions depend on expected gains and likelihood of monopolizing power. The results also reveal the importance of ethnic divisions in hindering the power diffusion process, and therefore the study establishes a channel through which ethnic fragmentation impacts on economic development.

Is the Median Voter Decisive? Evidence of 'Ends Against the Middle' From Referenda Voting Patterns

This paper examines whether the voter with the median income is decisive in local spending decisions. Previous tests have relied on cross-sectional data while we make use of a pair of California referenda to estimate a first difference specification. The referenda proposed to lower the required vote share for passing local educational bonding initiatives from 67 to 50 percent and 67 to 55 percent, respectively. We find that voters rationally consider future public service decisions when deciding how to vote on voting rules, but the empirical evidence strongly suggests that an income percentile below the median is decisive for majority voting rules. This finding is consistent with high income voters with weak demand for public educational services voting with the poor against increases in public spending on education.

Tribalism as a Minimax-Regret Strategy: Evidence from Voting in the 2007 Kenyan Elections

Although many studies find that voting in Africa approximates an ethnic census in that voting is primarily along ethnic lines, hardly any of the studies have sought to explain ethnic voting following a rational choice framework. Using data of voter opinions from a survey conducted two weeks before the December 2007 Kenyan elections, we find that the expected benefits associated with a win by each of the presidential candidates varied significantly across voters from different ethnic groups. We hypothesize that decision to participate in the elections was influenced by the expected benefits as per the minimax-regret voting model. We test the predictions of this model using data of voter turnout in the December 2007 elections and find that turnout across ethnic groups varied systematically with expected benefits. The results suggest that individuals participated in the elections primarily to avoid the maximum regret should a candidate from another ethnic group win. The results therefore offer credence to the minimax regret model as proposed by Ferejohn and Fiorina (1974) and refute the Downsian expected utility model.

Evaluation of the causal pathways through which subjective norms influence mammography intention and stage of change in a national sample of women veterans

Few studies have investigated causal pathways linking psychosocial factors to each other and to screening mammography. Conflicting hypotheses exist in the theoretic literature regarding the role and importance of subjective norms, a person's perceived social pressure to perform the behavior and his/her motivation to comply. The Theory of Reasoned Action (TRA) hypothesizes that subjective norms directly affect intention; while the Transtheoretical Model (TTM) hypothesizes that attitudes mediate the influence of subjective norms on stage of change. No one has examined which hypothesis best predicts the effect of subjective norms on mammography intention and stage of change. Two statistical methods are available for testing mediation, sequential regression analysis (SRA) and latent variable structural equation modeling (LVSEM); however, software to apply LVSEM to dichotomous variables like intention has only recently become available. No one has compared the methods to determine whether or not they yield similar results for dichotomous variables. ^ Study objectives were to: (1) determine whether the effect of subjective norms on mammography intention and stage of change are mediated by pros and cons; and (2) compare mediation results from the SRA and LVSEM approaches when the outcome is dichotomous. We conducted a secondary analysis of data from a national sample of women veterans enrolled in Project H.O.M.E. (H&barbelow;ealthy O&barbelow;utlook on the M&barbelow;ammography E&barbelow;xperience), a behavioral intervention trial. ^ Results showed that the TTM model described the causal pathways better than the TRA one; however, we found support for only one of the TTM causal mechanisms. Cons was the sole mediator. The mediated effect of subjective norms on intention and stage of change by cons was very small. These findings suggest that interventionists focus their efforts on reducing negative attitudes toward mammography when resources are limited. ^ Both the SRA and LVSEM methods provided evidence for complete mediation, and the direction, magnitude, and standard errors of the parameter estimates were very similar. Because SRA parameter estimates were not biased toward the null, we can probably assume negligible measurement error in the independent and mediator variables. Simulation studies are needed to further our understanding of how these two methods perform under different data conditions. ^

Health beliefs and attitudes of HPV among Hispanic parents as predictors of intention to use the HPV vaccine

Human Papillomavirus (HPV) is the most common sexually transmitted disease in the United States. Although HPV prevalence is high in the United States, there are a limited number of research studies that focus on Hispanics, who have higher incidence rates of cervical cancer than their non-Hispanic counterparts. The HPV vaccine introduced in 2006 may offer a feasible solution to the issues surrounding high prevalence of HPV. Due to the high prevalence of HPV infection among adolescents and young adults it has been suggested that HPV vaccination begin prior to onset sexual activity and focus on non-sexually active adolescents and pre-adolescents. Consequently, it has become increasingly important to assess knowledge and awareness of HPV in order to develop effective intervention strategies. This pilot study evaluated the knowledge and health beliefs of Hispanic parents regarding HPV and the HPV vaccine using a newly developed questionnaire based on the constructs of the Health Belief Model. The sample was recruited from an ob-gyn office in El Paso, Texas. Descriptive data show that the majority of the sample was female (94.1%), Hispanic (76.5%), Catholic (64.7%), and had at least a high school education (55.9%). Chi-square analysis revealed that the following variables differed amongst parents who intended to vaccinate their child against HPV and those who did not: religion (p=0.038), perceived severity item "HPV infections are easily treated" (p=0.052), perceived benefits item "It is better to vaccinate a child against an STI before they become sexually active" (p=0.014) and perceived barriers item "The HPV vaccine may have serious side effects that could harm my child" (p=0.004). Univariate logistic regression indicated that religion (OR = 4.8, CI: 1.04, 21.8) and "The HPV vaccine may have serious side effects that could harm my child" (OR = 15.9, CI: 1.73, 145.8) were significant predictors of parental intention to vaccinate. Multivariate logistic regression, using backwards elimination, indicated that religion (OR = 7.7, CI: 1.25, 47.8) and "The HPV vaccine may have serious side effects that may harm my child" (OR = 7.6, CI: 1.15, 50.2) were the best predictive variables for parental intention to vaccinate. ^

Pregnancy intention, intimate partner violence, and the use of prenatal care in Jordan

Previous research has suggested an association between intimate partner violence and pregnancy intention status, and pregnancy intention status and the use of prenatal care services, however much of these studies have been conducted in high income countries (HIC) rather than low and middle income countries (LMIC). The objectives of this study were to examine the relationship between pregnancy intention status and intimate partner violence, and pregnancy intention status and the use of prenatal care among ever-married women in Jordan.^ Data were collected from a nationally representative sample of women interviewed in the 2007 Jordan Demographic and Health Survey. The sample was restricted to ever-married women, 15–49 years of age, who had a live birth within the five years preceding the survey. Multivariate logistic regression analyses was used to determine the relationship between intimate partner violence and pregnancy intention status, and pregnancy intention status and the use of prenatal care services.^ Women who reported a mistimed pregnancy (PORadj 1.96, 95% CI: 1.31–2.95), as well as an unwanted pregnancy (PORadj 1.32, 95% CI: 0.80–2.18) had a higher odds of experiencing lifetime physical and/or sexual abuse compared with women reporting a wanted pregnancy. Women not initiating prenatal care by the end of the first trimester had statistically significant higher odds of reporting both a mistimed (PORadj 2.07, 95% CI: 1.55–2.77) and unwanted pregnancy (PORadj 2.36, 95% CI: 1.68–3.31), compared with women initiating care in the first trimester. Additionally, women not receiving the adequate number of prenatal care visits for their last pregnancy had a higher odds of reporting an unwanted pregnancy (PORadj 2.11, 95% CI: 1.35–3.29) and mistimed pregnancy (POR adj 1.41, 95% CI: 0.96–2.07).^ Reducing intimate partner violence may decrease the prevalence of mistimed or unwanted pregnancies, and reducing both unwanted and mistimed pregnancies may decrease the prevalence of women not receiving timely and adequate prenatal care among women in this population. Further research, particularly in LMIC, is needed regarding the determinants of unintended pregnancy and its association with intimate partner violence as well as with the use of prenatal care services. ^

Retrospective Voting in Turkey: Macro and Micro Perspectives

Recent studies have shown that party systems in emerging democracies do not always adequately reflect the various cleavages of society. Under such circumstances, retrospective voting may play a more important role than cleavage voting in determining electoral outcomes. For studies of retrospective voting, the choice between macro and micro level as the independent variable is a major methodological issue. Using individual-level data on Turkey, this paper addresses two major questions: (1) Are voters' decisions based on household economic conditions or national economic conditions? Do sociopolitical conditions also count? (2) Does the future evaluation of the economy affect voting decisions apart from past evaluation? Logit models are used in this research to answer these questions.

Economic voting and electoral volatility in Turkish provinces

Two groups of questions were addressed in this paper: (1) Is voter punishment of the incumbent the primary factor in electoral volatility? Are there any other types of vote swings that underlie volatility? (2) In general, does a decline in economic growth destabilize voter behavior? If so, what kinds of vote swings does an economic downturn tend to generate? Provincial-level panel data analysis yielded the following results: (1) Changes in volatility is primarily due to vote swings from the incumbent to the opposition and also to and from left-wing and right-wing parties. (2) Lower economic growth increases electoral volatility. Economic decline induces vote swings not only from the government to the opposition but also from left-wing to right-wing parties. This is probably because right-wing parties seem more concerned with economic issues and are thus more popular than left-wing parties with lower-income voters.

A Critical Review of Opinion Polls relating to Iranian Voting Intentions: Problems of Research Methodology as applied to Complex Societies

After the 10th Iranian Presidential election on June 12, 2009, several public opinion polls taken in Iran attracted the attention of policy-makers and journalists around the world because of the political crisis that followed. In this paper I first review critically the polls conducted by the WPO (WorldPublicOpinion.org), PIPA (Program on International Policy Attitudes) at the University of Maryland. I also review an essay by Steven Kull, which is based on the aforementioned poll results and which in my opinion leads to false conclusions concerning Iran’s political prospects. I also discuss “An Analysis of Multiple Polls of the Iranian Public,” published by WPO-PIPA on February 3 2010. The present paper arrives at the overall conclusion that it is impossible to obtain an accurate image of political opinions in societies as complicated as that of Iran by concentrating on only one technique of research and analysis, especially when the political and social situation in the society concerned is in a state of constant flux.

Non-economic voting and incumbent strength in Turkey

Evidence suggests that incumbent parties find it harder to be re-elected in emerging than in advanced democracies because of more serious economic problems in the former. Yet the pro-Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP) has ruled Turkey since 2002. Does economic performance sufficiently account for the electoral strength of the AKP government? Reliance on economic performance alone to gain public support makes a government vulnerable to economic fluctuations. This study includes time-series regressions for the period 1950-2011 in Turkey and demonstrates that even among Turkey's long-lasting governments, the AKP has particular electoral strength that cannot be adequately explained by economic performance.