810 resultados para Singapore -- Economic relations -- China


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The BRICS TERN – BRICS Trade and Economics Research Network is a group of independent research institutes established four years ago by five think tanks from Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. The main objective of the network is to study different aspects of trade and economic relations amongst these five countries. The purpose of the V BRICS TERN Meeting was to analyze and debate the effects of the negotiations of the Mega Agreements, mainly those initiated by the US and the EU, already in negotiation, to each of the BRICS Trade Policies. Both Mega Agreements were examined – the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The studies included the main impacts on trade flows and on the international trade rules system, respecting the perspective of each of the countries concerned. This workshop was an initiative of the Center for Global Trade and Investments (CGTI), a think-tank on International Trade held by FGV Sao Paulo School of Economics. Its main objective is the research on trade regulation, preferential trade agreements, trade and currency, trade and global value chains, through legal analysis and economic modelling. One of its main researches, now, is on the potential economic and legal impacts of the Mega Agreements on Brazil and WTO rules. This meeting was organized in March14, 2014, in Rio de Janeiro, in a perfect timing for introducing such issues in the international agenda, in advance of the 6th BRICS Summit scheduled to be held in Brazil in July 2014.

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Most participants in the Russian public debate seem to agree in their evaluation of the present condition of Russian-Chinese relations. There is awareness of increasing inequality between these two powers and Russia’s weakening position as compared to China.Those who share the optimistic view see co-operation with China as an opportunity for the Russian economy and a key element of Russia’s multi-directional foreign policy, an opportunity for Russia to avoid unilateral dependence on the West. The pessimists view the deepening co-operation with China through the prism of threats resulting from the increasing imbalance in bilateral relations. The greatest source of concern is the model of economic relations, which is often referred to as neo-colonial, where Russia’s role is reduced to that of a supplier of raw materials to China. The possible consequences are evaluated in different ways, ranging from the political subordination of Russian interests the Chinese ones to real loss of control over the Russian Far East. Those who share such views believe that Moscow should slow down its rapprochement with China and search for other partners in Eastern Asia, relations with whom could counterbalance the Chinese influence.

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Foreword. The Foreign Trade Association, which represents the European and international distribution and retail sector, commissioned this study in light of the importance of China as a sourcing country and its attractiveness as a rapidly growing consumer market. We believe that open borders and free trade can contribute to a broader choice and lower costs for consumers and create growth and employment in both Europe and China. This independent study aims to provide an in-depth contribution on the status of bilateral economic exchanges and persistent trade barriers that exist between the European Union and China. The second objective of the report is to encourage a frank and open dialogue, based on a scientific evaluation and without prejudice, on the possibility of a preferential trade agreement between the two sides. This study should be read by anyone who is interested in economic relations between the EU and China and in trade policy in general. The report provides many interesting findings and raises a number of surprising points. Overall, this study is one of the most significant contributions to the discourse on EU-China relations in recent years. We hope that this study will stimulate fresh thoughts on the benefits of closer future cooperation between two regions that have been interlinked since the times of antiquity and the first Silk Road.

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E kutatás célja áttekinteni, hogy milyen jellegű gazdasági kapcsolatokkal, versenyképességgel, tapasztalatokkal rendelkeznek magyar tulajdonú vállalatok Kínában. Kína gazdasága globálisan meghatározó, s egyúttal Magyarország tíz legnagyobb külkereskedelmi partnere között van. A kutatás kiemelt kérdései (a) milyen okok, motivációk indítják el a hazai cégeket Kína felé; (b) milyen folyamat révén, hogyan, mennyi idő alatt, milyen ráfordításokkal zajlik le a kínai jelenlét előkészítése, megtervezése, majd pedig megvalósítása; (c) hogyan szerzik meg a vezetők a szükséges információkat (pl. lehetséges kínai társasági jogi formákról, lokációkról); (d) milyen eredményekkel zárul ez a folyamat és milyen tanulságokat szűrnek le a vezetők; (e) melyek a kínai piaci jelenlét, működés legfontosabb tapasztalatai. A fenti kérdésekre alapvetően öt hazai vállalati esettanulmány összegzése ad választ. De emellett jelen tanulmány része a releváns elméleti és gyakorlati szakirodalom feldolgozása, a kínai gazdasági környezet sokrétű bemutatása, a kínai és magyar gazdasági kapcsolatok statisztikai elemzése, külföldi benchmark adatok gyűjtése. _______ The goal of this research to review what kind of economic relations, competitiveness and experiences Hungarian-owned firms have in China. Chinese economy is globally determining, and – in addition – China is one of Hungary’s ten biggest foreign trade partners. The main topics and questions of the research are: (a) what causes and motives encourage domestic companies to turn to the Chinese markets; (b) what are the phases of the process, what are the required time and costs of the preparation, planning and realization of establishing the presence in China; (c) how Hungarian managers gather the information needed (concerning e.g. possible Chinese corporate legal forms, locations); (d) what are the typical results of these processes and the lessons learned and emphasized by the managers; (e) what are the most important experiences of the firms’ operation in China. Five case studies on Hungarian firms answer the above-mentioned questions. But moreover the elaboration of the relevant theoretical and practical literature, the detailed description of the Chinese economical environment, the statistical analysis of the Chinese-Hungarian economical relations and the collection of foreign benchmark data are as well parts of this study.

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China’s emergence as an economic powerhouse has often been portrayed as threatening to America’s economic strength and to its very identity as “the global hegemon.” The media’s alarmist response to an economic competitor is familiar to those who remember US-Japanese relations in the 1980s. In order to better understand the basis of American threat perception, this study explores the independent and interactive impact of three variables (perceptions of the Other’s capabilities, perceptions of the Other as a threat versus as an opportunity, and perceptions of the Other’s political culture) on attitudes toward two different economic competitors (Japan 1977-1995 and China 1985-2011). Utilizing four methods (historical process tracing, public polling data analysis, social scientific experimentation, and content analysis), this study demonstrates that increases in the Other’s economic capabilities have a much smaller impact on attitudes than is commonly believed. It further shows that while perceptions of threat/opportunity played a significant role in shaping attitudinal response toward Japan, perceptions of political culture are the most important factor driving attitudes toward China today. This study contributes to a better understanding of how states react to threats and construct negative images of their economic rivals. It also helps to explain the current Sino-American relationship and enables better predictions as to its potential future course. Finally, these findings contribute to cultural explanations of the democratic peace phenomenon and provide a boundary condition (political culture) for the liberal proposition that opportunity ameliorates conflict in the economic realm.

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Este estudio de caso tiene como objetivo principal analizar la manera en la que las limitaciones de la implementación del soft power de la política exterior China hacia Chile han condicionado las relaciones sino-chilenas al aspecto económico en detrimento del aspecto político y cultural bajo el gobierno de Hu Jintao (2002-2012). Este análisis se elabora a partir de la conceptualización hecha por Joseph Nye en torno al soft power; al cual, se le han otorgado características adicionales dadas por teóricos chinos, como la introducción y, fortalecimiento de China a través de la diplomacia pública para la proyección de su imagen internacional, basada en la cooperación y beneficio mutuo, con el fin de lograr el desarrollo pacífico en el siglo XXI.

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La presente investigación tiene como objetivo analizar cómo las relaciones bilaterales entre China y Camboya son afectadas por el interés geopolítico chino, con el fin de demostrar que éste genera un fortalecimiento de sus relaciones puesto que además de suplir necesidades alimenticias, hídricas y en mano de obra barata, es el único país de la región del Sudeste Asiático que le permite a China tener acceso militar al Golfo de Tailandia y al Mar de China Meridional, donde se encuentra en desventaja con Estados Unidos. Así, se indica que la potencia asiática formula sus acuerdos bilaterales creando relaciones de dependencia por parte de países como Camboya para que este le entregue “obligatoriamente” lo que necesita. Esta investigación se llevará a cabo por medio de una monografía con un enfoque realista. Se utilizará el método de investigación cualitativo, que se servirá de fuentes primarias como los acuerdos bilaterales entre ambos Estados.

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In the past decade or so, the citizens of Singapore have been vigorously urged by the state to turn their cultural and linguistic affinities with China to economic advantage. At the same time, the city-state has opened its doors to selected, skilled migrants from Asia including many of those from mainland and Greater China. These concurrent emphases have coincided with the trend and growing numbers of Singaporeans heading overseas for one reason or another. Through a reflexive journey sparked by a recent visit, I argue in this paper that the resultant change in the makeup of its population produces tensions that may well have important repercussions for a nation that is constitutionally multiethnic though pragmatically meritocratic. However, because these frictions find form only in everyday, pedestrian practices, they are often dismissed or ignored. It is my contention that as the stage on which innocuous, creeping shifts in social identities are enacted, finessed and (re)embedded into social imaginaries, these everyday contestations of identities need to studied for indications of what is at stake.

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The 21st century has been described as the “century of cities”. By 2030, 70 per cent of the world’s population will live in cities, with the most rapid urbanization occurring in the developing world. This paper will draw up geographer Ed Soja’s concept of the “spatial turn” in social theory to consider how the culture of cities can act as a catalyst to innovation and the development of new technologies. In doing so, the paper will develop a three-layered approach to culture as: the arts; the way of life of people and communities; and the embedded structure underpinning socio-economic relations. It will also consider technology at a three-layered element, including devices, practices and ‘logics’ of technology, or what the Greeks termed techne. The paper will consider recent approaches to urban cultural policy, including cluster development and creative cities, and suggest some alternatives, noting that a problem with current approaches is that they focus excessively upon production (clusters) or consumption (creative cities). It will also consider the development of digital creative industries such as games, and the strategies of different cities to develop an innovation culture.

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This paper seeks to explain the lagging productivity in Singapore’s manufacturing noted in the statements of the Economic Strategies Committee Report 2010. Two methods are employed: the Malmquist productivity to measure total factor productivity (TFP) change and Simar and Wilson’s (2007) bootstrapped truncated regression approach which first derives bias-corrected efficiency estimates before being regressed against explanatory variables to help quantify sources of inefficiencies. The findings reveal that growth in total factor productivity was attributed to efficiency change with no technical progress. Sources of efficiency were attributed to quality of worker and flexible work arrangements while the use of foreign workers lowered efficiency.