906 resultados para Revolutionary Armed Forces


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El hecho social estudiado en este trabajo es lo ocurrido el 30 de Septiembre del año 2010 en Ecuador, cuando un sector de las fuerzas armadas y de la policía realizan una protesta en contra de la Ley de Servicio Público. Esta protesta fue acompañada, entre otras, por un conjunto de acciones que incluyeron la retención del presidente Rafael Correa por más de 10 horas en el hospital policial, distintos hechos delictivos en varios puntos del país, la toma del Aeropuerto de Quito, el intento de tomar los medios de comunicación públicos. Ante esto, se produjo una importante y rápida repercusión a nivel internacional y especialmente desde Latinoamérica. A lo largo del trabajo, se analizará cómo intervienen y se posicionan ante el hecho distintos actores nacionales e internacionales, políticos, sociales, culturales y económicos, lo cual permitirá reconstruir los intereses en juego, la disputa de proyectos y los conflictos de intereses latentes no sólo en Ecuador, sino en toda la región Latinoamérica. El análisis que se realiza en este trabajo se hace a partir de la construcción de una base de datos de medios gráficos argentinos (Clarín, La Nación, Página 12, Perfil), ecuatorianos (Diario Hoy, Diario Popular, El Universo, El Telégrafo) y latinoamericanos como Telesur y con un marco teórico desarrollado a partir de la bibliografía. Desde los Medios Masivos de Comunicación, así como distintos actores, fueron considerando lo ocurrido como una sublevación policial, un intento de golpe de estado o un autogolpe. Esto es lo que se reconstruirá a lo largo del trabajo

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This paper explores the development of civil–military relations in Myanmar since 1988. After the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) took over the state by means of a coup d’état in 1988, the top generals ruled the country without recourse to significant formal political institutions such as a constitution, elections and parliament. A unique authoritarian regime, where political power was predominantly under the military’s influence, lasted for more than 20 years in the country. It seemed to many observers that the military regime was highly durable and that its dictator, General Than Shwe, had no intention of altering the highly repressive character of the political system. However, a new leader, President Thein Sein, who came to power in March 2011, has decided to implement some political and economic reforms that could undermine the Tatmadaw’s dominant role in politics and the economy. This paper examines the background to this sudden political change in Myanmar, focusing on the relationship between its dictator, the military and the state. This paper’s main argument is that Than Shwe has carefully prepared the transition of 2011 as a generational change in the Tatmadaw and in state leadership. The argument is also made that the challenges created by Thein Sein can be understood as a result of his redefinition of national security and balancing of security-centralism with state-led developmentalism.

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Since the second transition period started July 2013, the Egyptian armed forces have once again played a critical role in building a new political system. Although the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) had not come to the front this time, it controlled the transition process and succeeded in keeping the privileges of the military in both political and economic fields. This paper focuses on the economic role of the military under the regime of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. Large scale economic activity of the military started in the mid-1970s. The military expanded its grip on the domestic economy and became one of the largest producers in Egyptian civil industry. In addition to controlling a huge business empire, the military under the Sisi administration is an entity supportive of national development goals. As the backer of the current regime, the armed forces have taken on a new responsibility as a central role player in economic development.

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La Especificación Aeroespacial y de Defensa 2000M, también conocida como S2000M, es un protocolo de intercambio electrónico de datos utilizado en el apoyo logístico de equipos de defensa. La S2000M, resultado de un trabajo conjunto entre Fuerzas Armadas (FFAA) y empresas de Naciones diversas desarrollado durante las últimas cuatro décadas, define tanto los procesos para la adquisición y mantenimiento de componentes militares, como los mensajes normalizados en apoyo de dichos procesos. Equipos de trabajo constituidos por representantes de las citadas FFAA e industria mantienen actualizada la S2000M, por lo que el protocolo evoluciona continuamente con objeto de adaptarse a las necesidades que puedan surgir. Como consecuencia de dicha actualización, existen diversas versiones de la S2000M actualmente en servicio, y este trabajo se basa en la versión denominada 2.1, si bien, una parte importante de las conclusiones del estudio pueden aplicarse a otras versiones del protocolo. A través de los años, la S2000M se ha convertido en un elemento esencial del comercio electrónico de piezas de repuesto y de servicios de mantenimiento y reparación de modernos sistemas aeronáuticos Europeos tales como los aviones de combate Typhoon, Tornado y Rafale, el avion de transporte A400M y los helicópteros NH90 y Tiger, por lo que la S2000M constituye un elemento esencial en el apoyo logístico necesario para asegurar la disponibilidad operativa de dichos sistemas. Así mismo, la S2000M juega un papel fundamental en el comercio electrónico entre las principales empresas aeronáuticas europeas y las organizaciones logísticas de defensa de Naciones tales como Alemania, España, Francia, Holanda, Italia, etc. En consecuencia, la importancia de la S2000M en aspectos tales como logística, nivel de operatividad de los sistemas de armas mencionados, comercio electrónico y sistemas de información es manifiesta, por lo que resulta necesario evaluar la eficacia y eficiencia del protocolo para optimizarlo al máximo. Con este propósito, el presente trabajo estudia la S2000M con objeto de encontrar una respuesta a la pregunta que ha constituido la base de la investigación: ¿Cómo medir el éxito de la Especificación Aeroespacial y de Defensa S2000M? Como la S2000M se utiliza para intercambiar información logística en formato electrónico entre organizaciones y entidades por medio de documentos estructurados y de procesos automatizados, los sistemas de información juegan un papel fundamental en este trabajo. En consecuencia, la base teoríca para tratar de responder a la pregunta anteriormente citada se sustenta en las investigaciones en curso sobre el éxito de los sistemas de información, adaptadas a la problemática específica del protocolo S2000M. Para finalizar, es importante mencionar que debido a que la investigación sobre la S2000M es prácticamente inexistente, este trabajo se centra en un área específica de conocimiento hasta ahora casi inexplorada. El resultado de la investigación se materializa en una serie de propuestas teoricas y prácticas con las que se contribuyen al desarrollo de tres áreas de conocimiento: S2000M, Sistemas de Información e Intercambio Electrónico de Datos. Asimismo, se proponen nuevas áreas de estudio en las tres áreas mencionadas. ABSTRAC The Aerospace and Defence Specification 2000M, in short S2000M, is an Electronic Data Interchange (EDI) standard used in the logistic support of defence equipment. The S2000M is the result of the joint effort undertaken by the Armed Forces and industry of several Nations over the last four decades. The protocol defines the business processes for the supply, maintenance and repair of military components, as well as the standard messages on support of the said processes. Representatives from industry and military keep the S2000M up-to-date and therefore, the protocol evolves continuously to support new requirements that may arise. Consequently, there are different versions of the standard currently available and this study is about one of them, precisely, Revision 2.1; however, many of the research outcomes are also be valid for other versions of the protocol. Through the years, the S2000M has become an essential element for the electronic trade of spare parts and repair services on support of modern European aeronautical systems such as the fighters Typhoon, Tornado and Rafale, the airlifter A400M and the helicopters NH90 and Tiger. As a result, the S2000M is at the center of the logistic support required to ensure the operational availability of these systems. Further, the protocol plays a key role in the electronic exchanges among main European aeronautical players and defence logistics organizations from Nations such as France, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, Spain, etc. Therefore, the significance of the S2000M on the operational availability of the mentioned weapon systems, and in logistics, electronic business and Information Systems (IS) terms is noticeable, and it is then worth evaluating how the S2000M is doing with respect to its effectiveness and efficiency in order to improve these two areas as much as possible. To this end, this work analyzes the S2000M with the aim to find a response to the following research question: How to measure the success of the Aerospace and Defence Specification 2000M? As in the end the S2000M is about the electronic exchange of logistics information among organizations and firms by means of standard messages and processes automation, IS are at the core of this dissertation. For that reason, the theoretical foundation to tackle the research question rests on the ongoing stream of research on IS success, which will be extended to take into consideration the S2000M standpoint as well. Last, it is worth noting that due to the practically inexistent research on the S2000M M, this investigation help filling a gap in this domain. The outcomes from this study materialize in a number of conceptual and practical proposals that contribute to the theory and practice on three main knowledge areas, that is, S2000M, IS and EDI. Further, this work opens the door for further research in the said or related fields.

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This dissertation engages the question of why German political elites accepted the use of force during the 1990s and started to commit the country's armed forces to multilateral peacekeeping missions. Previous governments of the Federal Republic had opposed foreign deployment of the military and Germany was characterized by a unique strategic culture in which the efficacy of military force was widely regarded as negative. The rediscovery of the use of force constituted a significant reorientation of German security policy with potentially profound implications for international relations. I use social role theory to explain Germany's security policy reorientation. I argue that political elites shared a national role conception of their country as a dependable and reliable ally. Role expectations of the international security environment changed as a result of a general shift to multilateral intervention as means to address emerging security problems after the Cold War. Germany's resistance to the use of force was viewed as inappropriate conduct for a power possessing the economic and military wherewithal of the Federal Republic. Elites from allied countries exerted social pressure to have Germany contribute commensurate with capabilities. German political elites adapted role behavior in response to external expectations in an effort to preserve the national role conception of a dependable and reliable ally. Security policy reorientation to maintain Germany's national role conception was pursued by conservative elites who acted as 'role entrepreneurs'. CDU/CSU politicians initiated a process of role adaptation to include the use of force for non-defensive missions. They persuaded Social Democrats and Alliance 90/Green party politicians that the maintenance of the country's role conception necessitated a reorientation in security policy to accommodate the changes in the security environment.

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The threat posed by the crisis in Mali is direct, multidimensional and without regard to geographical proximity or historical and colonial heritage, writes Giovanni Faleg. France’s solitary intervention in Mali and the EU’s absence there raise two important questions for the future of the EU’s supposedly ‘Common’ Security and Defence Policy. The first has to do with the crisis itself; its nature and the threat posed by the terrorist groups and militias that are being countered by French armed forces. The second concerns the causes and implications of yet another example of the EU’s inability to take responsibility for security matters in its neighbourhood and beyond.

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In the aftermath of World War II, about 20,000 people who had experienced displacement entered Belgium.1 Among those there were about 350 soldiers serving in the Polish armed forces in the West, and about 4,000 ostarbeiterinnen - young female Soviet citizens who were deported to Nazi Germany to do forced labour. All the soldiers and Soviet women married Belgian citizens, and most settled in the home town or city of their spouses. This paper focuses on the war memories of these migrants in post-war life, memories that were arguably shaped not only by the characteristics of their war experiences themselves, but also by the changing positions which they held within their home and host societies. Following the migrants from their moment of settlement until today, the article highlights the changing dynamics of their war memories over time, starting during the Cold War era and ending up in present day Europe. As such, the study finds itself on the crossroads of memory and migration studies, two academic disciplines that only recently started to dialogue with each other.2 Before analysing the arrival, settlement and war memories of the Displaced Persons at study, I give an interpretation of academic literature on memory of World War II from the perspective of migration studies.

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The Armed Forces of the Russian Federation have been more active than usual since mid- -February this year, holding a number of previously unannounced military exercises aimed at testing combat readiness. They have also maintained, for many months, a Russian warship task force in the Mediterranean in connection with the civil war in Syria. Those activities stand out of the usual training routine of the Russian army. They have no precedent in Russia’s recent history in terms of the size of the forces involved, the measures employed, the territorial span, the number of exercises, or the scheduling and mode of carrying out the drills. The last combat-readiness tests on this scale were carried out by the Soviet army in the 1980s. The intensity of the Russian Navy’s activities in the Mediterranean and the military means engaged are comparable, in due proportion, with the activities of the Soviet fleet during the Vietnam war. The Russian leadership, including president Vladimir Putin, has been directly following the recent activities of the Russian Armed Forces and their evolution.

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Although the Republic of Belarus is constitutionally designated as a neutral country1, it is in fact closely connected with Russia’s own security and defence architecture. Within the Union State of Belarus and Russia, the armed forces are integrated to an extent unequalled in the world. A legacy of the Soviet division of labour, the Belarusian defence industry complex remains structurally dependent on Russia, which is its main raw material provider, outlet for exports and intermediary on world markets. Bilateral military cooperation also builds on the perception of common threats and partly shared security interests. Hence it unfolds regardless of the disputes that sporadically sour relations between Minsk and Moscow, standing out as the main achievement of the Union State – if not the only one.

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Os incêndios florestais constituem uma realidade que pode ser minimizada com o auxílio Forças Armadas, através de homens e de meios. O Projeto FIREND®, no qual este trabalho está inserido, tem como objetivo projetar uma munição que ao libertar uma substância química sobre o fogo, o impeça de se expandir e se possível, o extinga. O projétil tem 155mm de calibre e o seu compartimento de carga terá cerca de 7,5

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El trabajo que aquí se presenta tiene como objetivo indagar en las diferentes manifestaciones sobre el pasado reciente de terrorismo de Estado realizadas por los jueces durante las audiencias de uno de los denominados "Juicios por la Verdad", que se realizó en la ciudad de Bahía Blanca, Argentina entre 1999 y 2000. Se trabajó con una metodología de análisis cualitativo y se utilizaron distintas fuentes de información tales como entrevistas a jueces y abogados de organizaciones de derechos humanos y la totalidad de los videos de las audiencias del Juicio por la Verdad de Bahía Blanca. Como resultado se establece la manera en que estos profesionales del derecho interpretaron el terrorismo de Estado confrontando la posición adoptada por los militares de no brindar información y de reivindicar la "guerra antisubversiva", deslindando a la vez las distintas responsabilidades entre los miembros de las Fuerzas Armadas.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Updated with cumulative supplements at irregular intervals.

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"First printing, March 1997"--T.p. verso.