Differentiation in Male and Female Speech Styles

From the moment of their birth, a person's life is determined by their sex. Ms. Goroshko wants to know why this difference is so striking, why society is so concerned to sustain it, and how it is able to persist even when certain national or behavioural stereotypes are erased between people. She is convinced of the existence of not only social, but biological differences between men and women, and set herself the task, in a manuscript totalling 126 pages, written in Ukrainian and including extensive illustrations, of analysing these distinctions as they are manifested in language. She points out that, even before 1900, certain stylistic differences between the ways that men and women speak had been noted. Since then it has become possible, for instance in the case of Japanese, to point to examples of male and female sub-languages. In general, one can single out the following characteristics. Males tend to write with less fluency, to refer to events in a verb-phrase, to be time-oriented, to involve themselves more in their references to events, to locate events in their personal sphere of activity, and to refer less to others. Therefore, concludes Ms Goroshko, the male is shown to be more active, more ego-involved in what he does, and less concerned about others. Women, in contrast, were more fluent, referred to events in a noun-phrase, were less time-oriented, tended to be less involved in their event-references, locate events within their interactive community and refer more to others. They spent much more time discussing personal and domestic subjects, relationship problems, family, health and reproductive matters, weight, food and clothing, men, and other women. As regards discourse strategies, Ms Goroshko notes the following. Men more often begin a conversation, they make more utterances, these utterances are longer, they make more assertions, speak less carefully, generally determine the topic of conversation, speak more impersonally, use more vulgar expressions, and use fewer diminutives and more imperatives. Women's speech strategies, apart from being the opposite of those enumerated above, also contain more euphemisms, polite forms, apologies, laughter and crying. All of the above leads Ms. Goroshko to conclude that the differences between male and female speech forms are more striking than the similarities. Furthermore she is convinced that the biological divergence between the sexes is what generates the verbal divergence, and that social factors can only intensify or diminish the differentiation in verbal behaviour established by the sex of a person. Bearing all this in mind, Ms Goroshko set out to construct a grammar of male and female styles of speaking within Russian. One of her most important research tools was a certain type of free association test. She took a list comprising twelve stimuli (to love, to have, to speak, to fuck, a man, a woman, a child, the sky, a prayer, green, beautiful) and gave it to a group of participants specially selected, according to a preliminary psychological testing, for the high levels of masculinity or femininity they displayed. Preliminary responses revealed that the female reactions were more diverse than the male ones, there were more sentences and word combinations in the female reactions, men gave more negative responses to the stimulus and sometimes didn't want to react at all, women reacted more to adjectives and men to nouns, and that, surprisingly, women coloured more negatively their reactions to the words man, to love and a child (Ms. Goroshko is inclined to attribute this to the present economic situation in Russia). Another test performed by Ms. Goroshko was the so-called "defective text" developed by A.A. Brudny. All participants were distributed with packets of complete sentences, which had been taken from a text and then mixed at random. The task was to reconstruct the original text. There were three types of test, the first descriptive, the second narrative, and the third logical. Ms. Goroshko created computer programmes to analyse the results. She found that none of the reconstructed texts was coincident with the original, differing both from the original text and amongst themselves and that there were many more disparities in the male than the female texts. In the descriptive and logical texts the differences manifested themselves more clearly in the male texts, and in the narrative texts in the female texts. The widest dispersal of values was observed at the outset, while the female text ending was practically coincident with the original (in contrast to the male ending). The greatest differences in text reconstruction for both males and females were registered in the middle of the texts. Women, Ms. Goroshko claims, were more sensitive to the semantic structure of the texts, since they assembled the narrative text much more accurately than the other two, while the men assembled more accurately the logical text. Texts written by women were assembled more accurately by women and texts by men by men. On the basis of computer analysis, Ms. Goroshko found that female speech was substantially more emotional. It was expressed by various means, hyperbole, metaphor, comparisons, epithets, ways of enumeration, and with the aid of interjections, rhetorical questions, exclamations. The level of literacy was higher for female speech, and there were fewer mistakes in grammar and spelling in female texts. The last stage of Ms Goroshko's research concerned the social stereotypes of beliefs about men and women in Russian society today. A large number of respondents were asked questions such as "What merits must a woman possess?", "What are male vices and virtues?", etc. After statistical manipulation, an image of modern man and woman, as it exists in the minds of modern Russian men and women, emerged. Ms. Goroshko believes that her findings are significant not only within the field of linguistics. She has already successfully worked on anonymous texts and been able to decide on the sex of the author and consequently believes that in the future her research may even be of benefit to forensic science.

Language Construction of Reality in the German Tabloid Press/on Materials of BILD Newspaper/

From the moment of their birth, a person's life is determined by their sex. Goroshko wanted to find out why this difference is so striking, why society is so determined to sustain it, and how it can persist even when certain national or behavioural stereotypes are erased. She believes there are both social and biological differences between men and women, and set out to analyse these distinctions as they are manifested in language. Certain general characteristics can be identified. Males tend to write with less fluency, to refer to events in a verb phrase, to be time-oriented, to involve themselves more in their references to events, to locate events in their personal sphere of activity, and to refer less to others. Goroshko therefore concludes that the male is more active, more ego-involved in what he does and less concerned about others. Women were more fluent, referred to events in a noun-phrase, were less time-oriented, tended to be less involved in their event references, located events within their interactive community, and referred more to others. They spent much more time discussing personal and domestic subjects, relationship problems, family, health and reproductive matters, weight, food and clothing, men, and other women. Computer analysis showed that female speech was substantially more emotional, using hyperbole, metaphor, comparisons, epithets, ways of enumeration, interjections, rhetorical questions and exclamations. The level of literacy was higher in female speech, and women made fewer grammatical and spelling mistakes in written texts. Goroshko believes that her findings have relevance beyond the linguistic field. When working on anonymous texts she has been able to decide on the sex of the author and so believes that her research may even be of benefit to forensic science.

The Sociolinguistics of Hungarian Outside Hungary

This study describes the sociolinguistic situation of the indigenous Hungarian national minorities in Slovakia (c. 600,000), Ukraine (c. 180,000), Romania (c. 2,000,000), Yugoslavia (c. 300,000), Slovenia (c. 8,000) and Austria (c. 6,000). Following the guidelines of Hans Goebl et al, the historical sociolinguistic portrait of each minority is presented from 1920 through to the mid-1990s. Each country's report includes sections on geography and demography, history, politics, economy, culture and religion, language policy and planning, and language use (domains of minority and/or majority language use, proficiency, attitudes, etc.). The team's findings were presented in the form of 374 pages of manuscripts, articles and tables, written in Hungarian and English. The core of the team's research results lies in the results of an empirical survey designed to study the social characteristics of Hungarian-minority bilingualism in the six project countries, and the linguistic similarities and differences between the six contact varieties of Hungarian and Hungarian in Hungary. The respondents were divided by age, education, and settlement group - city vs. village and local majority vs. local minority. The first thing to be observed is that Hungarian is tending to be spoken less to children than to parents and grandparents, a familiar pattern of language shift. In contact varieties of Hungarian, analytic constructions may be used where monolingual Hungarians would use a more synthetic form. Mr Kontra gives as an example the compound tagdij, which in Standard Hungarian means "membership fee" but which is replaced in contact Hungarian by the two-word phrase tagsagi dij. Another similar example concerns the synthetic verb hegedult "played the violin" and the analytic expression hegedun jatszott. The contrast is especially striking between the Hungarians in the northern Slavic countries, who use the synthetic form frequently, and those in the southern Slavic countries, who mainly use the analytic form. Mr. Kontra notes that from a structural point of view, there is no immediate explanation for this, since Slovak or Ukrainian are as likely to cause interference as is Serbian. He postulates instead that the difference may be attributable to some sociohistoric cause, and points out that the Turkish occupation of what is today Voivodina caused a discontinuity of the Hungarian presence in the region, with the result that Hungarians were resettled in the area only two and a half centuries ago. However, the Hungarians in today's Slovakia and Ukraine have lived together with Slavic peoples continuously for over a millennium. It may be, he suggests, that 250 years of interethnic coexistence is less than is needed for such a contact-induced change to run its course. Next Mr. Kontra moved on to what he terms "mental maps and morphology". In Hungarian, the names of cities and villages take the surface case (eg. Budapest-en "in Budapest") whereas some names denoting Hungarian settlements and all names of foreign cities take the interior case (eg. Tihany-ban "in Tihany" and Boston-ban "in Boston). The role of the semantic feature "foreign" in suffix-choice can be illustrated by such minimal pairs as Velence-n "in Velence, a village in Hungary" versus Velence-ben "in Velence [=Venice], a city in Italy", and Pecs-en "in Pecs, a city in Hungary" vs. Becs-ben "in Becs, ie. Vienna". This Hungarian vs. foreign distinction is often interpreted as "belonging to historical (pre-1920) Hungary" vs. "outside historical Hungary". The distinction is also expressed in the dichotomy "home" vs. "abroad'. The 1920 border changes have had an impact on both majority and minority Hungarians' mental maps, the maps which govern the choice of surface vs. interior cases with placenames. As there is a growing divergence between the mental maps of majority and minority Hungarians, so there will be a growing divergence in their use of the placename suffixes. Two placenames were chosen to scratch the surface of this complex problem: Craiova (a city in Oltenia, Romania) and Kosovo (Hungarian Koszovo) an autonomous region in southeast Yugoslavia. The assumption to be tested was that both placenames would be used with the inessive (interior) suffixes categorically by Hungarians in Hungary, but that the superessive suffix (showing "home") would be used near-categorically by Hungarians in Romania and Yugoslavia (Voivodina). Minority Hungarians in countries other than Romania and Yugoslavia would show no difference from majority Hungarians in Hungary. In fact, the data show that, contrary to expectation, there is considerable variation within Hungary. And although Koszovo is used, as expected, with the "home" suffix by 61% of the informants in Yugoslavia, the same suffix is used by an even higher percentage of the subjects in Slovenia. Mr. Kontra's team suggests that one factor playing a role in this might be the continuance of the former Yugoslav mentality in the Hungarians of Slovenia, at least from the geographical point of view. The contact varieties of Hungarian show important grammatical differences from Hungarian in Hungary. One of these concerns the variable use of Null subjects (the inclusion or exclusion of the subject of the verb). When informants were asked to insert either megkertem or megkertem ot - "I asked her" - into a test sentence, 54.9% of the respondents in the Ukraine inserted the second phrase as opposed to only 27.4% in Hungary. Although Mr. Kontra and his team concentrated more on the differences between Contact Hungarian and Standard Hungarian, they also discovered a number of similarities. One such similarity is demonstrable in the distribution of what Mr. Kontra calls an ongoing syntactic merger in Hungarian in Hungary. This change means effectively that two possibilities merge to form a third. For instance, the two sentences Valoszinuleg kulfoldre fognak koltozni and Valoszinu, hogy kulfoldre fognak koltozni merge to form the new construction Valszinuleg, hogy kulfoldre fognak koltozni ("Probably they will move abroad."). When asked to choose "the most natural" of the sentences, one in four chose the new construction, and a chi-square test shows homogeneity in the sample. In other words, this syntactic change is spreading across the entire Hungarian-speaking region in the Carpathian Basin Mr. Kontra believes that politicians, educators, and other interested parties now have reliable and up-to-date information about each Hungarian minority. An awareness of Hungarian as a pluricentric language is being developed which elevates the status of contact varieties of Hungarian used by the minorities, an essential process, he believes, if minority languages are to be maintained.

Synchronous Description of the Grammatical Structure of Modern Romani and Elaboration of Romani Textbook

The first outcome of this project was a synchronous description of the most widely spoken Romani dialect in the Czech and Slovak Republics, aimed at teachers and lecturers of the Romani language. This is intended to serve as a methodological guide for the demonstration of various grammatical phenomena, but may also assist people who want a basic knowledge of the linguistic structure of this neo-Indian language. The grammatical material is divided into 23 chapters, in a sequence which may be followed in teaching or studying. The book includes examples of the grammatical elements, but not exercises or articles. The second work produced was a textbook of Slovak Romani, which is the most detailed in the Czech or Slovak Republics to date. It is aimed at all those interested in active use of the Romani language: high school and university students, people working with the Roma, and Roma who speak little or nothing of the language of their forebears, The book includes 34 lessons, each containing relevant Romani tests (articles and dialogues), a short vocabulary list, grammatical explanations, exercises and examples of Romani written or oral expression. The textbook also contains a considerable amount of ethno-cultural information and notes on the life and traditions of the Roman, as well as pointing out some differences between different dialects. A brief Romani-Czech phrase book is included as an appendix.

Zur Inhaltsstruktur von Rechtsnormen: Modalitäten und Normtypen

Rechtsnormen als Texte – Versuch einer Zusammenführung von Rechtstheorie und Linguistik: Rechtstheoretiker sind sich zwar bewusst, dass Recht wesentlich Sprache ist; diese Voraussetzung wird aber in der konkreten Analyse von Rechtsnormen und ihrer Struktur nur selten systematisch berücksichtigt; zumeist wird von der konkreten sprachlichen Form abgesehen oder der einzelne Satz wird als formale Größe absolut gesetzt. Dazu werden auch meist wichtige Erkenntnisse der Linguistik kaum berücksichtigt, etwa grundlegende Differenzierungen wie jene zwischen Satz und Text bzw. Grammatik und Äußerung oder Ausdruck und Inhalt. Dieser Beitrag versucht, Rechtsnormen als geschriebene Texte sui generis, d. h. als sprachliche Objekte, ernst zu nehmen und aus einem textlinguistischen Blickwinkel zu betrachten, durchaus im Horizont der Rechtstheorie und deren Erkenntnisinteresse, und die grundlegenden Eigenschaften von Rechtsnormen aus dieser zweifachen Perspektive deutlicher zu klären, etwa in Bezug auf die innere Struktur von Rechtsnormen, auf eine Typologie von Rechtsnormen, die Bedeutung von einzelnen Normen, das Verhältnis von innerer Struktur und äusserer Form oder die Adressatenfrage.

What is Family Preservation and Why Does it Matter?

This paper describes competing ideas about family preservation, defined both as a defined program of social services and a philosophical approach to helping troubled families. A straightforward definition has become almost impossible because the phrase has taken on so many different meanings, provoking controversy about its "real" meaning and value. Indeed, "family preservation" has become the proverbial elephant whose splendors and horrors are described with great certainty by those impressed by only one of its aspects. While skirmishes between "child savers" and "family preservers" have been part of the child welfare field since its beginning at the turn of the last century, recent debates over family preservation have been especially heated, generating more confusion and animosity than might be expected from the ranks of the small and usually mild-mannered social work profession. The debate is so heated that the director of one of the nation's largest child welfare agencies said recently that he is afraid to "even use the two words on the same page." <1> While the debate about the value of family preservation is unresolved, experimentation with different approaches to service delivery over the last two decades has helped to lay the groundwork for a resurgence of interest in family and community-centered reforms. Better understanding of the family preservation "debates" may be helpful if these reforms are to be successful over the long term. The paper discusses the competing ideas, values, and perceptions that have led observers to their different understandings of family preservation. It briefly chronicles the history of child welfare and examines key theories that have helped lay the groundwork for the resurgence of interest in family-centered services. It concludes with observations about how the competing values at stake in family preservation may affect the next generation of reforms.

Preußen, seine Revolution und die Demokratie : eine Skizze

Boberach: Friedrich Wilhelm IV. wollte mit den Beamten und einer noch zu bildenden volkstümlichen Partei regieren, aber die Beamtenkaste erwies sich als unzulänglich, [und] das Versprechen, Preußen werde in Deutschland aufgehen, als hohle Phrase. Noch ist das Volk ans Königtum gewöhnt, aber es wird sich künftig für die demokratische Republik entscheiden

Maternal factors, fetal parameters and the risk of shoulder dystocia

Introduction. Shoulder dystocia is a serious complication of vaginal birth, with an incidence ranging from 0.15% to 2.1% of all births. There are approximately 4 million births per year in the United States and shoulder dystocia will be experienced by approximately 20,000 women each year. Although studies have been reported on shoulder dystocia, few studies have addressed both maternal and fetal risk factors. The purpose of this study was to identify maternal and fetal risk factors for shoulder dystocia while proposing factors that could be used to predict impending shoulder dystocia. ^ Material and methods. Articles were reviewed from Medline Pubmed using the search phrase "Risk factors of shoulder dystocia" and Medline Ovid using the search words "Dystocia", "Shoulder" and "Risk factors". Rigorous selection criteria were used to identify articles to be included in the study. Data collected from identified articles were transferred to STATA 10 software for trend analysis of the incidence of shoulder dystocia and the year of publication and a pair wise correlation was also determined between these two variables. ^ Results. Among a total of 343 studies identified, only 20 met our inclusion criteria and were retained for this review. The incidence of shoulder dystocia ranged from 0.07% to 2% and there was no particular trend or correlation between the incidence of shoulder dystocia and year of publication between 1985 and 2007. Pre-gestational and gestational diabetes, postdatism, obesity, birth weight > 4000g and fundal height at last visit > 40cm were identified as major risk factors in our series of studies. ^ Conclusion. Future strategies to predict shoulder dystocia should focus on pre-gestational and gestational diabetes mellitus, postdatism, obesity, birth weight > 4000g and fundal height at last visit > 40cm. ^

El símbolo cristiano del pez : origen y proyecciones

Desde hace tiempo se sabía que el nombre griego ij÷qýò (pez) encerraba como acróstico una frase cuyo contenido es una antigua fórmula cristológica: Jesús-Cristo-Hijo de Dios-Salvador que se conservaba en diversos medios poéticos del siglo II. Pero últimamente se ha comprobado la función que el símbolo del pez y la palabra como criptograma desempeñaba en algunos textos de la biblioteca de Nag Hammadi y se ha descubierto su presencia en una versión diferente de la parábola de la red y el pescador, el panorama se amplía notablemente. Porque con estos elementos a disposición es posible comparar estructuras narrativas paralelas y contenidos significativos divergentes que permiten ampliar el horizonte de la investigación de los primeros tiempos cristianos y deducir las diferencias en la interpretación de los mismos motivos religiosos de algunos textos cristianos primitivos.

Dioses, Dios

"We are not jealous of gods, we do not serve them, we do not fear them, but at the risk of our lives, we attest for their multiple existence, and are stirred to be of their chancy keeping when they are no more remembered of". What could mean such a sentence written by René Char? Is it still possible to think and to experiment, here and now, after centuries of monotheism, something like a plurality of gods? What is it to be a pagan? Rereading Homer, and then Plato, Nietzsche and Lyotard, we could risk the following de´Çü nition: pagan is someone able to suppose, between performance and cosmos, that the one coming up to him is, may be, some god.

Dioses, Dios

"We are not jealous of gods, we do not serve them, we do not fear them, but at the risk of our lives, we attest for their multiple existence, and are stirred to be of their chancy keeping when they are no more remembered of". What could mean such a sentence written by René Char? Is it still possible to think and to experiment, here and now, after centuries of monotheism, something like a plurality of gods? What is it to be a pagan? Rereading Homer, and then Plato, Nietzsche and Lyotard, we could risk the following de´Çü nition: pagan is someone able to suppose, between performance and cosmos, that the one coming up to him is, may be, some god.

Dioses, Dios

"We are not jealous of gods, we do not serve them, we do not fear them, but at the risk of our lives, we attest for their multiple existence, and are stirred to be of their chancy keeping when they are no more remembered of". What could mean such a sentence written by René Char? Is it still possible to think and to experiment, here and now, after centuries of monotheism, something like a plurality of gods? What is it to be a pagan? Rereading Homer, and then Plato, Nietzsche and Lyotard, we could risk the following de´Çü nition: pagan is someone able to suppose, between performance and cosmos, that the one coming up to him is, may be, some god.

Carbonate aggregate mineralogy and stable isotopes at DSDP Site 87-583

Crystalline aggregates composed of calcium carbonate were recovered in the uppermost 50 m of Nankai Trough sediments during DSDP Leg 87A. These aggregates decomposed with time to masses of sandy calcite as determined by X-ray diffraction analysis. Petrographic and scanning electron microscopy revealed textures suggestive of a precursor phrase prior to calcite, and this precursor has been tentatively identified as the mineral ikaite, CaCO3*6H2O. Stable isotope data suggest a large component of terrigenous organic matter as the carbon source, consistent with the appearance of these aggregates in highly reducing pyritic sediments containing abundant plant remains. We propose that these nodules formed in euxinic basins on the upper part of the Trough slope under normal seafloor conditions of pressure and temperature. Calculated temperatures of formation of this phase are not unusually low. The specimens from Site 583 are the first reported occurrences of ikaite in active margin sediments.

Automatic Categorization for Improving Spanish into Spanish Sign Language Machine Translation

This paper describes a preprocessing module for improving the performance of a Spanish into Spanish Sign Language (Lengua de Signos Espanola: LSE) translation system when dealing with sparse training data. This preprocessing module replaces Spanish words with associated tags. The list with Spanish words (vocabulary) and associated tags used by this module is computed automatically considering those signs that show the highest probability of being the translation of every Spanish word. This automatic tag extraction has been compared to a manual strategy achieving almost the same improvement. In this analysis, several alternatives for dealing with non-relevant words have been studied. Non-relevant words are Spanish words not assigned to any sign. The preprocessing module has been incorporated into two well-known statistical translation architectures: a phrase-based system and a Statistical Finite State Transducer (SFST). This system has been developed for a specific application domain: the renewal of Identity Documents and Driver's License. In order to evaluate the system a parallel corpus made up of 4080 Spanish sentences and their LSE translation has been used. The evaluation results revealed a significant performance improvement when including this preprocessing module. In the phrase-based system, the proposed module has given rise to an increase in BLEU (Bilingual Evaluation Understudy) from 73.8% to 81.0% and an increase in the human evaluation score from 0.64 to 0.83. In the case of SFST, BLEU increased from 70.6% to 78.4% and the human evaluation score from 0.65 to 0.82.

Conflict and cognitive control during sentence comprehension: recruitment of a frontal network during the processing of Spanish object-first sentences.

During sentence processing there is a preference to treat the first noun phrase found as the subject and agent, unless marked the other way. This preference would lead to a conflict in thematic role assignment when the syntactic structure conforms to a non-canonical object-before-subject pattern. Left perisylvian and fronto-parietal brain networks have been found to be engaged by increased computational demands during sentence comprehension, while event-reated brain potentials have been used to study the on-line manifestation of these demands. However, evidence regarding the spatiotemporal organization of brain networks in this domain is scarce. In the current study we used Magnetoencephalography to track spatio-temporally brain activity while Spanish speakers were reading subject- and object-first cleft sentences. Both kinds of sentences remained ambiguous between a subject-first or an object-first interpretation up to the appearance of the second argument. Results show the time-modulation of a frontal network at the disambiguation point of object-first sentences. Moreover, the time windows where these effects took place have been previously related to thematic role integration (300–500 ms) and to sentence reanalysis and resolution of conflicts during processing (beyond 500 ms post-stimulus). These results point to frontal cognitive control as a putative key mechanism which may operate when a revision of the sentence structure and meaning is necessary