Parliamentary sovereignty, popular sovereignty, and Henry Parker's adjudicative standpoint

Discussions of popular sovereignty in early modern England have usually been premised upon a sharp distinction between ‘legal/constitutional’ forms of discourse (which merely interpret the law) and ‘political’ ones (which focus upon the right to make it). In such readings of the period, Henry Parker has a pivotal position as a writer who abandoned merely legalistic thinking. This chapter takes a different view. It argues that Parker’s major intellectual achievement was not so much to abandon legal/constitutional discourse as to offer a theorisation of its most distinctive features: he offered an account of a new kind of politics in which concern for ‘interests’ in property and in self-preservation replaced humanist concern with promotion of virtue. Parker drew upon ideas about representation best expressed by Sir Thomas Smith and ideas about law best expressed by Oliver St John. The theory he developed was not intended as a justification of legislative sovereignty, but of adjudicative supremacy. His picture of the two Houses as supreme adjudicators was meant to block the path to direct democracy. But the adjudicative standpoint they came to occupy presupposed that freeborn adults had ‘interests’ in life, liberty, and possessions. This had democratising implications.

'The African Presence in Caribbean Literature' revisited: recovering the politics of imagined co-belonging 1930–2005

Working outward from Edward Kamau Brathwaite’s landmark 1974 essay, “The African Presence in Caribbean Literature,” this article explores the fuller history of the idea of Africa in anglophone Caribbean critical and literary works from the 1930s to the 2000s. It demonstrates that earlier, now forgotten Caribbean critics drew on imperfect and incomplete Caribbean literary imaginings of Africa to frame a counter-colonial politics of identity. The essay also brings back into view writings by Una Marson, Victor Stafford Reid, and Derek Walcott that expressed a different politics of solidarity based on the shared experience of colonial violence. Readings of recent literary works by Charlotte Williams and Nalo Hopkinson reveal the contemporary crafting of this relation around a heightened awareness of both presence and loss, history and imagination. Importantly, this gathering of sources and perspectives allows for an appreciation of the role that a reach toward Africa has played in articulations of Caribbeanness and its complex patterning of cultural co-belonging.

Non-cinema: the location of politics in film

Philosophy has repeatedly denied cinema in order to grant it artistic status. Adorno, for example, defined an ‘uncinematic’ element in the negation of movement in modern cinema, ‘which constitutes its artistic character’. Similarly, Lyotard defended an ‘acinema’, which rather than selecting and excluding movements through editing, accepts what is ‘fortuitous, dirty, confused, unclear, poorly framed, overexposed’. In his Handbook of Inaesthetics, Badiou embraces a similar idea, by describing cinema as an ‘impure circulation’ that incorporates the other arts. Resonating with Bazin and his defence of ‘impure cinema’, that is, of cinema’s interbreeding with other arts, Badiou seems to agree with him also in identifying the uncinematic as the location of the Real. This article will investigate the particular impurities of cinema that drive it beyond the specificities of the medium and into the realm of the other arts and the reality of life itself. Privileged examples will be drawn from various moments in film history and geography, starting with the analysis of two films by Jafar Panahi: This Is Not a Film (In film nist, 2011), whose anti-cinema stance in announced in its own title; and The Mirror (Aineh, 1997), another relentless exercise in self-negation. It goes on to examine Kenji Mizoguchi’s deconstruction of cinematic acting in his exploration of the geidomono genre (films about theatre actors) in The Story of the Last Chrysanthemums (Zangigku monogatari, 1939), and culminates in the conjuring of the physical experience of death through the systematic demolition of film genres in The Act of Killing (Joshua Oppenheimer et al., 2012).

Styrning och ideologiska dilemman i Skolverkets skolutveckling : exemplet ANDT-undervisning

Governing and ideological dilemmas in drug education Drug education (ANT) in Swedish schools has a history over decades. Here, the pedagogical approaches fluctuated between transfer of solid knowledge from the teacher to the pupil, and working with values and have a more pupil-driven teaching – a classic dichotomy. Rhetoric about the school’s way of teaching has thus always been ambivalent and subject to reexamination. The study analyses various textual material on ANT education. As a methodological tool Billigs concept Ideological dilemmas is used, which is a fruitful way to identify the rhetorical building blocks of (school) politics, but also to analyse political talk in more detail. The article analyses the ideological dilemmas under three dichotomies: Knowledge vs. values, teacher control vs. learner control, and prevention vs. promotion. Throughout we can see this question of how teaching could be successful, given the tension between authority and democracy. The article concludes by relating this basic ideological dilemma in a wider discursive context of governance in our time. 

The Long Game: Hamas, The IRA, and the Politics of Radicalization in Palestine and Northern Ireland

The value of a comparative study of the two conflicts stems from a remarkable similarity in the structural organization of political violence by its most influential practitioners: the IRA and Hamas. At the core, I have merely tried my best to approach a beguiling question in a fresh, dynamic way. The stultifying discourse of conflict that serves as lingua franca for the Israeli‐Palestinian issue has largely reduced strategic debate to how best the conflict can be managed – not ended. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s focus on “economic peace” and unwillingness to commit to a two‐state solution – the consensus that has governed peacemaking for decades – belies such thinking. The Clinton Administration’s cadre of Mideast negotiators operated amidst the most rapid institutionalization of Palestinian democracy in history ‐ yet remained obsessed with Israeli‐Arab “confidence‐building” measures, doing little to legitimize the gains of Oslo. So long as Palestinians continue to view the creation of Israel as “al‐Nakba” – the catastrophe – whilst successive Israeli governments refuse to grant their aspirations any legitimacy, there can be no progress. Peace requires empathy, a substantial compromise in the context of internecine conflict. The “long war” both conflicts have become mandates an equally expansive, broad‐based and labor‐intensive approach – a demanding process that can only be called The Long Game.

Maine and the Hartford Convention: The Impact of the War of 1812 on the Politics of Maine and Massachusetts

The question of why the New England Federalists failed to force a confrontation with the national government has been a continuing historical controversy. I feel that the vigorous stance of the New England Democratic-Republicans particularly in Maine (then a part of Massachusetts), to radical Federalist schemes acted to restrain their opponents. In the final analysis my argument is that New England could not act without Maine. To paraphrase Federalist George Herbert of Ellsworth, on such a slender thread do the destinies of nations hang.

The politics of memory in Harold Pinter's Ashes to Ashes

The present work proposes an investigation of the treatment given to memory in Pinter’s latest play, Ashes to Ashes, and of its function in the development of Pinter’s work. In order to do that, different aspects of the construction of meaning in the theatre are analysed, so that the specificity of its reception is determined. A survey of techniques used to present information, time and space in the theatre is made. The analytical drama, the history drama, and the theatre of the absurd are defined. After that, the evolution of the author’s work is analysed to determine what characterises Pinter’s work, while at the same time determining how his treatment of themes like menace, memory, and political oppression of the individual has evolved. Finally, a detailed survey of the apparently disconnected elements that are mentioned in Ashes to Ashes is made. The intertextual analysis allied to a study of the analytical form as used in this play enables the discovery of several layers of meaning. Through the connection established between the Holocaust and man’s fall followed by expulsion from Eden, Pinter examines the use of memory as a way of dealing with personal and collective responsibility and guilt. It is through the recovery of memory (also through writing) that the present can establish a critical and responsible relation with the past.

"Trabalhadores favelados": identificação da favelas e movimentos sociais no Rio de Janeiro e em Belo Horizonte

A tese aborda o processo de identificação das favelas e sua apropriação pelos movimentos de “trabalhadores favelados”. Em A Invenção das Favelas (2005), Valladares discutiu as favelas como uma representação e invenção social do século XX. Partindo desse marco analítico compartilhado e discutido por outros autores, construímos uma escala de comparação entre Rio de Janeiro e Belo Horizonte. Na primeira parte da tese, compreendemos essa representação como o resultado de um processo identificação. Como observou Noriel, em L’Identification (2006), o Estado moderno foi um dos maiores produtores de tecnologias de identificação, dispositivos de poder que visam conhecer, classificar e governar as populações num dado território. Investigamos como as práticas estatais no Rio de Janeiro e em Belo Horizonte constituíram representações das favelas, delineando um discurso e um dispositivo de poder sobre os territórios da pobreza através de legislações, censos e comissões de estudo. As analogias, particularidades e trocas instituídas no processo de identificação são analisadas, observando a formação de uma retórica da marginalidade social no âmbito do Estado, reproduzindo estigmas sociais, mas também gerando oportunidades para reivindicação de direitos. Nesse sentido, na segunda parte da tese, analisamos os movimentos dos “trabalhadores favelados”, organizados pela União dos Trabalhadores Favelados (UTF) no Rio de Janeiro e Federação dos Trabalhadores Favelados de Belo Horizonte (FTFBH). Compreendemos a forma como esses movimentos sociais organizaram repertórios de ação, apropriando-se da identificação das favelas para reivindicar direitos, mobilizaram-se eleitoralmente, vinculando-se a grupos de esquerda, e propuseram projetos de reforma urbana.

As chaves para o mundo do quinto império: as imagens de mundo na história do futuro do padre Antonio Vieira

Iconic historical figure, Antônio Vieira (1608-1697) is regarded as an essential character to the Luso-Brazilian history. Between 1646 and 1667, the priest began writing the History of the Future, the first volume of the celebrated "Clavis Prophetarum , political and theological unity that would leverage the process of spread of Christianity across the globe, recognizing Portugal as forefront and center of all millenarian movement. Them, Jesuit represented the "World" in two metaphors: "theater" and "body" responsible for viewing spaces of abstract Christian truth. Starting from the hermeneutical assumptions of analysis, we investigated the historical relations present in the construction of such representations, by which establish the dialogue between politics, theology and seventeenth-century rhetoric. Therefore, the following study supports the hypothesis that beyond a mere stylistic expressions, spatial metaphors of "World" were formulated by Antonio Vieira as a resource that could sharpen the minds of his readers, engaging words into action, become alive and effective use of rhetoric

Trade and economic growth: a Latin American perspective on rhetoric and reality

Incluye Bibliografía

Deus abençoe a América: religião, política e relações internacionais dos Estados Unidos

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A campanha civilista nas ruas: uma análise de sua construção retórico-política

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

The Bologna Stone: history's first persistent luminescent material

In 1603, the Italian shoemaker Vincenzo Cascariolo found that a stone (baryte) from the outskirts of Bologna emitted light in the dark without any external excitation source. However, the calcination of the baryte was needed prior to this observation. The stone later named as the Bologna Stone was among the first luminescent materials and the first documented material to show persistent luminescence. The mechanism behind the persistent emission in this material has remained a mystery ever since. In this work, the Bologna Stone (BaS) was prepared from the natural baryte (Bologna, Italy) used by Cascariolo. Its properties, e. g. impurities (dopants) and their valences, luminescence, persistent luminescence and trap structure, were compared to those of the pure BaS materials doped with different (transition) metals (Cu, Ag, Pb) known to yield strong luminescence. The work was carried out by using different methods (XANES, TL, VUV-UV-vis luminescence, TGA-DTA, XPD). A plausible mechanism for the persistent luminescence from the Bologna Stone with Cu+ as the emitting species was constructed based on the results obtained. The puzzle of the Bologna Stone can thus be considered as resolved after some 400 years of studies.

Yoruba nationalist movements, ethnic politics and violence : a creation from historical consciousness and socio-political space in South-western Nigeria /// Arbeitspapiere / Institut für Ethnologie und Afrikastudien ; 105

Since 1900, the Yoruba people of South-western Nigeria have put its ethnic history at work in the construction of its identity in Nigeria. The exercise resulted in the creation of ethno-nationalist movements and the practice of ethnic politics, often expressed through violent attacks on the Nigerian State and some ethnic groups in Nigeria. Relying on mythological attachment to its traditions and subjective creation of cultural pride, the people created a sense of history that established a common interest among different Yoruba sub-groups in form of pan-Yoruba interest which forms the basis for the people’s imagination of nation. Through this, historical consciousness and socio-political space in which Yoruba people are located acted as instrumental forces employed by Yoruba political elites, both at colonial and post-colonial periods to demand for increasing access to political and economic resources in Nigeria. In form of nationalism, nationalist movements and ethnic politics continued in South-western Nigeria since 1900, yet without resulting to actual creation of an independent Yoruba State up to 2009. Through ethnographic data, the part played by history, tradition and modernity is examined in this paper. While it is concluded that ethno-nationalist movement and ethnic politics in Yoruba society are constructive agenda dated back to pre-colonial period, it continues to transform both in structure and function. Thus, Yoruba ethno-nationalist movement and ethnic politics is ambiguous, dynamic and complex, to the extent that it remains a challenge to State actions in Nigeria.