953 resultados para Nation: State


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The concept of a global civil society is gaining greater acceptance among International Relations (IR) scholars, yet few studies exist that look at the role of fraternal organizations and their influence in constructing this realm. Freemasonry, one of the oldest fraternal orders, exerts a powerful influence on its membership through its symbolism, architecture and ritual, based on the tenets of mutual respect and tolerance towards all human beings. Such principles helped in creating a body of practices and institutions as early as the eighteenth century which two hundred years later were identified and conceptualized as global civil society. ^ The allegations of anti-Masons and conspiracy theorists offer a continuous account of Masonry's influence on the political scene since its modern founding in 1717 Great Britain. Conspiracy theorists portray the coming of a New World Order, orchestrated and directed by a secret hierarchy of Masons/Illuminati. Even though the lens of conspiracy theories paints a distorted view of reality, it does focus attention to Freemasonry's activities as a major player in politics over the span of three centuries. Not only do such theories challenge the novelty of practices that make up a global civil society, but also the notion that it is an inclusive and growing sector that unites people across the globe. They also provide a valuable critique by pointing out the inconsistencies and discriminatory practices of Masonry as contrasted with the lofty ideals and aims for humanity. ^ The Masonic influence in the social world is perceived as one that reflects the liberal worldview where the nation-state and power structures are in pursuit of human progress, or profit. The symbolism of Masonry, however, carries a message that can be characterized as representing republican ideals. Masonic symbolism and ritual create spaces of meaning where the contradictions between the ideals and the structures of inequality and elitism can be resolved. Freemasonry as a symbolic system proclaiming their inherent republican values does have a global reach. However, the effectiveness of these values is bounded by the constraints that are inherent in a liberal world dominated by nation-states. ^

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My dissertation is the first project on the Haitian Platform for Advocacy for an Alternative Development- PAPDA, a nation-building coalition founded by activists from varying sectors to coordinate one comprehensive nationalist movement against what they are calling an Occupation. My work not only provides information on this under-theorized popular movement but also situates it within the broader literature on the postcolonial nation-state as well as Latin American and Caribbean social movements. The dissertation analyzes the contentious relationship between local and global discourses and practices of citizenship. Furthermore, the research draws on transnational feminist theory to underline the scattered hegemonies that intersect to produce varied spaces and practices of sovereignty within the Haitian postcolonial nation-state. The dissertation highlights how race and class, gender and sexuality, education and language, and religion have been imagined and co-constituted by Haitian social movements in constructing ‘new’ collective identities that collapse the private and the public, the rural and the urban, the traditional and the modern. My project complements the scholarship on social movements and the postcolonial nation-state and pushes it forward by emphasizing its spatial dimensions. Moreover, the dissertation de-centers the state to underline the movement of capital, goods, resources, and populations that shape the postcolonial experience. I re-define the postcolonial nation-state as a network of local, regional, international, and transnational arrangements between different political agents, including social movement actors. To conduct this interdisciplinary research project, I employed ethnographic methods, discourse and textual analysis, as well as basic mapping and statistical descriptions in order to present a historically-rooted interpretation of individual and organizational negotiations for community-based autonomy and regional development.

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Natal has come through major changes in the last 150 years, since the actions of city beautification, in the 19th century, until the present day, when such transformations start to have the objective of including the city in the competition for the attraction of the capital flows and consumption, domestically and in a foreign sense. It is thought that the first initiatives aimed at increasing tourism in Natal occurred in the 1960s, however, it became apparent that only from the 1980s was there a significant increase in tourist activities in Natal and the Metropolitan Region, especially on the east coast of the state of Rio Grande do Norte, leading to an expansion of the labour market, the significant increase of foreign investment, territorial changes of great impact and the production of buildings primarily intended for the hotel industry and second residence for European tourists. Since then, the incentives for tourist activity in the state have been maintained and even increased, based on tourism aimed at natural beauties, local cuisine and events, which transformed the tourist activity in one of the main sources of foreign exchange for the city of Natal. In the early 21st century, the construction of high-rise condominiums, monuments (including the designer ones), such as the Parque da Cidade, designed by Oscar Niemeyer, were already established. Also, shopping centers and, in order to host the World Cup, the new football stadium, the Arena das Dunas, among others, which were aimed at local and foreign consumers, especially European, stood out in the city. It is understood that these new buildings, monuments and also renovations and restorations that were deployed in the city of Natal aimed at constructing a new identity for the city, within the process of capitalist development and urban spectacle. It is considered that the monuments and the iconic buildings are attributes of the cities aimed at selling locations as goods, establishing a new urban environment, a new role as cities, which aimed at seeking greater autonomy from the nation-state. In this research, it was sought to analyze the architectural object, that is, buildings and monuments built or restored in Natal and its relevance to the city marketing promoted by the city itself. It was found that, indeed, such buildings and monuments are inserted in contemporary architectural production as a basis for increasing the competitive nature of Natal. In addition, they reveal a capitalist mode of production, supported by public resources, operating in the production of urban space with a view to repeating the hegemonic model of a competitive city

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When referring to cinema and its emancipatory potential, realism, like Plato’s pharmakon, has signified both illness and cure, poison and medicine. On the one hand, realism is regarded as the main feature of so-called classical cinema, inherently conservative and thoroughly ideological, its main raison d’être being to reify and make a particular version of the status quo believable and to pass it out as ‘reality’ (Burch, 1990; MacCabe, 1974). On the other, realism has also been interpreted as a quest for truth and social justice, as in the positivist ethos that informs documentary (Zavattini, 1953). Even in the latter sense, however, the extent to which realism has served colonizing ends when used to investigate the ‘truth’ of the Other has also been noted, rendering the form profoundly suspicious (Chow, 2007, p. 150). For realism has been a Western form of representation, one that can be traced back to the invention of perspective in painting and that peaked with the secular worldview brought about by the Enlightenment. And like realism, the nation state too is a product of the Enlightenment, nationalism being, as it were, a secular replacement for the religious - that is enchanted or fantastic - worldview. In this way, realism, cinema and nation are inextricably linked, and equally strained under the current decline of the Enlightenment paradigm. This chapter looks at Y tu Mamá También by Alfonso Cuarón (2001), a highly successful road movie with documentary features, to explore the ways in which realism, cinema and nation interact with each other in the present conditions of ‘globalization’ as experienced in Mexico. The chapter compares and contrasts various interpretations of the role of realism in this film put forward by critics and scholars and other discourses about it circulating in the media with actual ways of audience engagement with it.

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This article provides materials for an institutional history of academic Hungarian Orientalism through the life of Gyula Germanus (1884-1979). Using hitherto unexploited archives, this text explores his education, integration into academia, and career up to 1939. I argue that Germanus was an assimilated Hungarian of Jewish origin with a strong loyalty to the state. His two conversions - to Calvinism in 1909 and to Islam in 1930 - also transformed him from a minor Turkologist into a popularly acclaimed Arabist. This study demonstrates that academic Orientalism as a national science was a contested vehicle of social mobility in the Hungarian transition from an imperial to a nation-state setting.© 2014 koninklijke brill nv, leiden.

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How to deal with uncomfortable ‘truths’ from the past has long posed problems for historians and politicians alike and this is exemplified by attempts to ‘deal with’ the centenary anniversary of the 1916 Easter Rising in Ireland. How do we recognise the revolutionary ‘heroes’ of the past and their contribution to the building of the new ‘nation’ state to which we may pledge allegiance, without exposing the contradictions inherent in the way that ‘nation’ state has transformed, subverted and indeed corrupted many of the ideas for which they fought? More controversially, how do we honour the actions of revolutionaries in the past which led to death and destruction in pursuance of a grand ideal, while at the same time condemning others today who claim to have been likewise engaged, using similar methods, during the recent ‘Troubles’ (1969-98 and counting)? Attempts by the Irish state to deal with the centenary seem to illustrate the point.

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Les ouvrages de transport d’électricité ont d’abord été pensés un par un, reliant un excédent de production à un besoin de consommation. Ils ont ainsi parfois très naturellement et dès l’origine traversé les frontières des États pour répondre à leur raison d’être. Les secteurs électriques se structurant fortement lorsque le virage électrique fut pris, les interconnexions entre pays furent conçues par les techniciens comme une mesure élémentaire de sûreté et d’équilibre de ce produit atypique qu’est l’électricité. En France plus particulièrement, lorsque la production électronucléaire se développa à partir des années 1970, ces interconnexions devinrent petit à petit sources de revenus pour l’entreprise nationale, et d’équilibre pour la balance commerciale nationale. L’intérêt grandissant porté au secteur électrique par les institutions européennes à la fin des années 1990 vient ébranler les acteurs économiques géographiques verticaux, et rebat les cartes des enjeux à adresser à une maille plus large que l’État nation. Dans ces transformations successives, les interconnexions aux frontières, et particulièrement aux frontières françaises, jouent ainsi un rôle tout à fait spécifique et de plus en plus structurant pour les économies ouvertes des pays européens. Les réseaux de transport électriques continuent ainsi une mutation entamée dans les années 1970 qui les a conduits de la condition de mal nécessaire à celle de vecteurs indispensables de transformation des économies européennes. L’objet de ce mémoire est d’illustrer la très grande capacité d’adaptation de ces organes industriels, économiques, sociétaux et politiques, dont on pourrait faussement penser qu’ils sont immobilisés par leur nature capitalistique, à travers les enjeux portés par les interconnexions aux frontières françaises. Les sources sont à la fois issues de données des opérateurs techniques, de la documentation – encore peu fréquente – sur ces sujets, ainsi que des statistiques officielles du ministère français. Cette capacité d’innovation et de développement de « couches de services » permet aujourd’hui aux grands réseaux de transport de traverser les époques et la variabilité des orientations de leurs environnements, durablement.

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Los medios de prensa tienen un rol determinante en la construcción, legitimación y representación de distintas realidades socioculturales, las cuales a su vez generan lineamientos institucionalizados de unas identidades nacionales sobre otras, creando relaciones desiguales en base de prejuicios y estereotipos. Los países vecinos cuentan con historias de unidad y conflictos, pero el tiempo a veces no es suficiente para cerrar viejas heridas, como ocurre con la Guerra del Pacífico (18791883). En este contexto se analizaron las noticias de los medios con mayor injerencia a nivel país: La Razón (Bolivia) y El Mercurio (Chile), donde, por medio de una herramienta metodológica de Análisis Crítico y Complejo del Discurso Verbovisual, se buscó dilucidar los procesos de construcción discursiva de cada Estadonación y confirmar cómo éstos se mantienen a través del tiempo.

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This text deals with transnational strategies of social mobility in Ecuadorian migrant households in Spain. We apply the capital accumulation model (Moser, 2009) for this purpose. The main target of this article is, beyond thinking in terms of capital stock and accumulation, the analysis in depth of the dynamics of the different types of capital, that is to say, how they interact with each other in the framework of the social mobility strategies of the migrants and their families. We are bringing into light the way some households adopt investing decisions in capitals that don't translate into any addition or earnings in all cases, on the contrary, concentrating all their efforts on the accumulation of a certain asset they may, in some cases, lead to a loss of another. We will concentrate our analysis primarily on the dynamics between the physical and financial capital and the social and emotional capital, showing the tensions produced between these two types of assets. At the same time, we will highlight how migrants negotiate their family strategies of social mobility in the transnational area. Our study is based in empirical material obtained from qualitative fieldwork (in-depth interviews) with families of migrants in the urban district of Turubamba Bajo -(south of Quito) and in Madrid. A series of households were selected where interviews were carried out in the country of origin as well as in the context of immigration, with different family members, analysing the transnational social and economic strategies of families of migrant members. Family members of migrants established in Spain were interviewed in Quito, as well as key informants in the district (school teachers, nursery members of the staff, etc.). The research was framed within the projects "Impact of migration on the development: gender and transnationalism", Ministry of Science and Innovation (SEJ2007/63179) (Laura Oso, dir. 2007-2010),"Gender, transnationalism and intergenerational strategies of social mobility", Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (FEM2011/26210) (Laura Oso, dir. 201-1-2015) and “Gender, Crossed Mobilities and Transnational Dynamics”, Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (FEM2015-67164).

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Este artículo analiza la evolución del concepto de ciudadanía en la obra de Dominique Schnapper como uno de los ejemplos más destacados en la sociología contemporánea de una aproximación completa a la cuestión. A través de un recorrido exhaustivo por su obra, el objetivo es profundizar en la comprensión de la tensión entre la dinámica democrática y la idea de ciudadanía en cuanto que tipo ideal del vínculo social y como principio regulador de las sociedades democráticas. La autora propone en sus primeros trabajos una noción de ciudadanía vinculada al proceso político de construcción de la nación que no distingue entre la definición de un tipo ideal sociológico y la construcción de un ideal de sociedad. Esta confusión se corrige al introducir posteriormente en el análisis la incidencia de la democracia sobre las experiencias individuales de la ciudadanía, aportando una perspectiva de análisis de gran utilidad tanto para la comprensión de la dinámica contemporánea de las sociedades democráticas como para la necesaria defensa de la ciudadanía como vínculo social fundamental y como principio fundador de la legitimidad política.

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The forces surrounding the emerging economies of underdeveloped world, especially Africa has practically stifled its economic progress, growth, development and sustainability. This economic condition brings to the fore the massive onslaught of rural/urban poverty which the African continent grapples with since the post-world war II era to date. The economic misfortunes and incidence of mass poverty in Africa, vis-à-vis Nigeria is used as a point of departure in this study. The paper underscores the ideological and philosophical undertone of international capital manifesting in form of colonialism and imperialism as a major character in the historical process of underdevelopment and mass poverty in peripheral states of Africa, Asia and Latin America, respectively. Of particular interest in this study is the activities of domestic bourgeoisie elite class who have vigorously displayed some degree of lack of much needed vision and abject lack of desires to draw up workable plans to redeem the battered image of African/ Nigerian economic misfortunes. This state of affairs has practically engendered economic underdevelopment, misery and disturbing levels of poverty in the nation-state system. The paper concludes with the forward towards realizing the vision 20-20-20 objectives in the 21t century and beyond.

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Der 1795-1798 verfasste Text "De re scholastica Anglica cum Germanica comparata" (Über das englische Schulwesen im Vergleich zum deutschen) des sächsischen Rektors Friedrich August Hecht ist die erste bekannte Schrift zur Vergleichenden Erziehungswissenschaft. Ihre zentrale Materialgrundlage bilden englische und deutsche Schulbücher für Latein- und Gelehrtenschulen. Aus deutschsprachiger Sekundärliteratur übernimmt Hecht darüber hinaus Informationen über schulorganisatorische, curriculare und didaktische Besonderheiten der englischen Public Schools Westminster und Eton, und setzt sie zu den ihm aus eigener Praxis bekannten deutschen (sächsischen) Schulverhältnissen in Beziehung. Der Gedanke der Transnationalität im Bildungsbereich, der sich aktuell etwa im Begriff von transnationalen Bildungsräumen ausdrückt, hat bei Hecht der Sache nach drei Anknüpfungspunkte: die bildungspolitische Wirksamkeit transnationaler Herrscherfamilien, die gemeineuropäische Bedeutung der Gebildeten- und Gelehrtensprache Latein und die nationübergreifende Dimension des humanistischen Bildungskanons. Das alte Europa kannte Nationen und Staaten, aber es kannte noch keine Nationalstaaten. Die Deutschen sind für Hecht noch eine alteuropäische Nation, die Engländer dagegen auf dem Wege zur oder sind schon Staatsnation. Die Vergleichende Erziehungswissenschaft entsteht mit Hechts Schrift in einer Situation, da die alte transnationale Ordnung der Nationen und Staaten in die neue internationale Ordnung der Nationalstaaten übergeht. (DIPF/Orig.)

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The challenging effects of globalization upon the nation-state have been a recurrent theme in the social science discourse since the 1990’s. Nationally organized education is also seen as challenged by new demands originating from globalization. In this article it is argued that ‘nation-state’ and ‘national identity’ are highly relevant concepts when discussing a citizenship education that seeks to develop a civic ethos with, potentially, a global reach. It is further argued that the understanding of such an ethos would benefit significantly from incorporating the role of political trust since trust has been identified as a main feature of the social capital that makes democracy work. Three themes are brought together: national identity and identification, the importance for democracy of political trust and the challenges citizenship education face when carried out in a national context but intended to manage issues that go far beyond the reach of the nation-state. The importance of citizenship education is discussed using recent research on the Swedish citizenship education classroom.

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Ausgangspunkt der Überlegungen sind die aktuellen Forderungen nach einem veränderten Umgang mit gesellschaftlicher Zwei- und Mehrsprachigkeit angesichts internationaler Migration und europäischer Integration. Im Rückblick auf die Geschichte der bildungspolitischen und pädagogischen Diskussion über Zweisprachigkeit und öffentliche Erziehung werden - unter Einbeziehung der internationalen Diskussion - vor allem die "Logiken" der pädagogischen Argumentation herausgearbeitet, die in den Auseinandersetzungen im Kaiserreich und in der Weimarer Republik entwickelt worden sind. Die hier vertretene Annahme ist, daß die historisch entwickelten "Logiken", als zum jeweiligen historischen Zeitpunkt plausible, so in die Normalitätsbeschreibungen von Erziehung und Bildung eingegangen sind, daß sie schließlich wie Naturgegebenheiten erscheinen (konnten) und daher - trotz und gegen Aufklärung und bessere(r) Einsicht - bildungspolitisches, bildungsadministratives und pädagogisches Handeln bis heute bestimmen. (DIPF/Orig.)

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El creciente peso que han alcanzado los mercados y diferentes actores económicos dentro de la escena política mundial, sugieren que estamos frente a un nuevo paradigma en lo que concierne al funcionamiento del Estado nación. El concepto de Geoeconomía surge como respuesta a los cambios que se han comenzado a configurar a partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XX, a su vez que ilustra como a través de la concepción de estrategias de control económico se puede alcanzar dominio y poder en términos internacionales, bien sea a través de los Estados de manera directa o bajo su influencia o beneplácito a través de grandes grupos económicos. En efecto, el presente trabajo de investigación aborda desde la óptica Geoeconómica la progresiva colonización que ha emprendido el sistema financiero colombiano, y más propiamente el Grupo Bancolombia, sobre una serie de activos financieros estratégicos en Centroamérica. Del mismo modo, explica cómo este fenómeno ha traído consigo cambios sustanciales en la dinámica de las relaciones internacionales de Colombia con sus vecinos, a su vez que ha propiciado las condiciones de legitimidad necesarias para una serie de actores privados que podrían llegar incluso a ser capaces de moldear en cierta medida la política interior y exterior del país, tal y como ha sucedido en algunos episodios recientes.