889 resultados para Juridical ideology
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En 1923, Ramón Plá i Armengol (1880-1958) fundó el Instituto Ravetllat-Pla para la comercialización y producción de dos productos antituberculosos (Hemo-Antitoxina y Suero Ravetllat-Pla) fundamentados en una teoría heterodoxa postulada por el veterinario Joaquim Ravetllat i Estech (1871-1923). A través del instituto creó una gran red internacional científico-comercial principalmente en Latinoamérica. Plá i Armengol fue doctor en medicina y participó activamente en la lucha antituberculosa en Cataluña sin dejar de lado su militancia socialista. A través de estos dos productos, logró crear un mercado que se sustentaba en una teoría heterodoxa que integraban sus principios e ideología.
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ABSTRACT Samuel Bendahan, John Antonakis, Christian Zehnder, and François Pralong The relationship between power and immoral decisions has been discussed extensively by scientists and philosophers alike. Although the exercise of power is ubiquitous in social hierarchies, direct evidence on the impact of power on decision making is scarce. We use laboratory experiments to study whether more power leads to corruption. We manipulate power in the context of leader decision-making authority involving monetary stakes. Prior to the experiment, we also gathered extensive data on psychological and endocrinological individual differences. We find that an increase of power caused leaders to be more likely to engage in destructive, selfish behaviour, although the same subjects did not behave in this manner before their level of power was increased. We also show how individual differences affect the initial level of destructive behaviour and the corruption process. WHAT'S RIGHT FOR THE LEFT MAY NOT BE RIGHT FOR THE RIGHT: VALUE CONGRUENCE AND CHARISMA IN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP Samuel Bendahan ABSTRACT Value congruence between leaders and followers is important not only for follower commitment but also as part of the attributions followers make of leaders. I theorized that transformational leadership, which often is referred to as being value driven and having strong moral foundations, has differential effects depending on the values of the follower and whether these values are congruent with what the leader espouses. I designed an experiment to analyze how the political values of followers and leaders can influence followers' attributions regarding leaders. Within the context of political leadership, I found that transformational leaders were seen as more prototypical. Value congruence predicted prototypicality, which was strongly related to follower intentions to vote for the leader. Furthermore, followers with left-wing political values were more influenced by prototypical leaders than were followers with right-wing political values, presumably because of moral overtones of both left-wing ideology and transformational leadership. JUDGING LEADERSHIP POTENTIAL IN AN INTERVIEW: MODERATING EFFECT OF INTERVIEWER INTELLIGENCE ON INTERVIEWER COGNITIVE BUSYNESS, CANDIDATE PERFORMANCE-CUES EFFECTS, AND CANDIDATE ETHNICITY Samuel Bendahan, Philippe Jacquart, and John Antonakis ABSTRACT A large body of literature suggests that interviewers do not accurately rate candidates when using unstructured interviews and evaluation procedures that affect pre-interview expectations; however, the process by which these biases are produced is not well understood. We theorized several reasons for the sub-par performance of the unstructured interview. These factors, which we manipulated in the context of a videotaped interview of a candidate applying for a leadership position, include evaluator cognitive load, pre-interview performance cues regarding the candidate, and the ethnicity of the candidate. We also controlled for the intelligence of the evaluator. We found a significant four-way interaction between the manipulated factors and evaluators' cognitive abilities. The effects of the manipulated factors were all significantly less for evaluators who were high on general intelligence.
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The dissertation studies the texts mentioning or alluding to the dynastic promise to David in the books of Samuel; in the concluding further perspectives it also overviews the occurrences of the promise in the books of Kings; in the appendix, it comments on the "Law of the King" in Deut 17,14-20, the last verse of which may contain an allusion to the Davidic promise. The study engages with recent discussion on the history of the text of 2 Sam 7. In a detailed textual commentary, it treats with all the differences between the main textual witnesses of the chapter, and apart from the evaluation of the individual variants, it attempts to answer the question whether the differences are due exclusively to the process of transmission, or they are of literary character. Special attention is paid to the value of 1 Chr 17 for the reconstruction of the oldest text of 2 Sam 7; the author hopes that the conclusions of this part of the dissertation may prove to be of some importance for a more general study of the reception of Samuel in Chronicles. The subsequent literary analysis of 2 Sam 7 and the other passages referring to the dynastic promise to David leads to two alternative datings of Nathan's oracle and consequently two alternative redactional hypotheses trying to give account of the emergence of the examined passages. In the concluding perspectives, the function of the promise in Samuel is compared with the occurrences of the motif in Kings; this comparison leads to tentative conclusions concerning the development of the relation of the two books.
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Using data from the International Social Survey Programme, this research investigated asymmetric attitudes of ethnic minorities and majorities towards their country and explored the impact of human development, ethnic diversity, and social inequality as country-level moderators of national attitudes. In line with the general hypothesis of ethnic asymmetry, we found that ethnic, linguistic, and religious majorities were more identified with the nation and more strongly endorsed nationalist ideology than minorities (H1, 33 countries). Multilevel analyses revealed that this pattern of asymmetry was moderated by country-level characteristics: the difference between minorities and majorities was greatest in ethnically diverse countries and in egalitarian, low inequality contexts. We also observed a larger positive correlation between ethnic subgroup identification and both national identification and nationalism for majorities than for minorities (H2, 20 countries). A stronger overall relationship between ethnic and national identification was observed in countries with a low level of human development. The greatest minority-majority differences in the relationship between ethnic identification and national attitudes were found in egalitarian countries with a strong welfare state tradition.
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Human Chagas disease is a purely accidental occurrence. As humans came into contact with the natural foci of infection might then have become infected as a single addition to the already extensive host range of Trypanosoma cruzi that includes other primates. Thus began a process of adaptation and domiciliation to human habitations through which the vectors had direct access to abundant food as well as protection from climatic changes and predators. Our work deals with the extraction and specific amplification by polymerase chain reaction of T. cruzi DNA obtained from mummified human tissues and the positive diagnosis of Chagas disease in a series of 4,000-year-old Pre-Hispanic human mummies from the northern coast of Chile. The area has been inhabited at least for 7,000 years, first by hunters, fishers and gatherers, and then gradually by more permanent settlements. The studied specimens belonged to the Chinchorro culture, a people inhabiting the area now occupied by the modern city of Arica. These were essentially fishers with a complex religious ideology, which accounts for the preservation of their dead in the way of mummified bodies, further enhanced by the extremely dry conditions of the desert. Chinchorro mummies are, perhaps, the oldest preserved bodies known to date.
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Investigación producida a partir de una estancia en Buenos Aires en septiembre del 2007. Los procesos de consolidación de las naciones-estado llevan consigo una serie de políticas y prácticas que se focalizan en la construcción del "pueblo". Particularmente, la construcción del estado nacional argentino en el siglo XIX implicó la definición -por parte de los grupos de poder- de un pueblo que cumpliera con las expectativas que se esperaban de una joven nación que se encaminaba hacia la civilización y el progreso, es decir, lo que en esa época se correspondía con un imaginario de pueblo blanco y europeo. Así, se propiciaron políticas de erosión de quienes habitaban en el territorio nacional pero que no cumplían con aquellos mandatos, promoviendo su “invisibilización”. Nosotros trabajamos una de estas comunidades erosionadas de la memoria y de la historia nacional argentina, la comunidad de afrodescendientes de Buenos Aires. El objeto de la investigación que se está llevando a cabo es justamente el análisis de la población afroargentina de Buenos Aires en las últimas décadas del siglo XIX, un momento en que su presencia e historia estaban siendo negadas de los discursos y de las prácticas. Esta investigación de corte histórico-antropológico necesita para su consecución de un trabajo exhaustivo de archivos, objetivo principal de la beca de investigación fuera de Cataluña. Lo que se intentó en el viaje fue encontrar y rescatar fuentes que permitieran entrever las dinámicas de esta comunidad, sus formas de resistir y/o de negociar un estado nacional cada vez más fuerte y que sentaba las bases de lo que debía ser el “pueblo argentino”.
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The gradual implementation of new, more participatory and thus, more democratic mechanisms of intra-party decision-making has been pointed out by several party politics scholars. This phenomenon has been studied as the party elite’s reactions to a widespread trend in Western countries: the party membership decline. Spain is still a deviant case in both the party membership decline trend, and with regards to the introduction of more participatory and democratic decision-making mechanisms. However, the paper point out that support for intra-party democracy is quite widespread within Spanish party middle elites (party delegates). That is why the aim of this paper is to explain which factors are underpinning the supports for intra-party democracy amongst Spanish party delegates. After conducting a multivariate analysis, the results show that ideology, the involvement in intra-party experiences and the degree of pragmatism, amongst others, are factors strongly associated with the support for intraparty democracy in Spanish party middle elites.
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La societat actual figura arrelada a un discurs sobre el femení, que desenvolupat durant el segle XVIII s'ha anat obrint camí insistentment a través de les imatges. A través de l'obra del pintor Paul Gauguin aquest treball presten mostrar que el confinament de la dona a l'espai domèstic i la pretesa relació d'aquesta amb altres elements és fruit de la mateixa ideologia que confina a la dona a l'espai privat i a l'home a l'espai públic.
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Methods like Event History Analysis can show the existence of diffusion and part of its nature, but do not study the process itself. Nowadays, thanks to the increasing performance of computers, processes can be studied using computational modeling. This thesis presents an agent-based model of policy diffusion mainly inspired from the model developed by Braun and Gilardi (2006). I first start by developing a theoretical framework of policy diffusion that presents the main internal drivers of policy diffusion - such as the preference for the policy, the effectiveness of the policy, the institutional constraints, and the ideology - and its main mechanisms, namely learning, competition, emulation, and coercion. Therefore diffusion, expressed by these interdependencies, is a complex process that needs to be studied with computational agent-based modeling. In a second step, computational agent-based modeling is defined along with its most significant concepts: complexity and emergence. Using computational agent-based modeling implies the development of an algorithm and its programming. When this latter has been developed, we let the different agents interact. Consequently, a phenomenon of diffusion, derived from learning, emerges, meaning that the choice made by an agent is conditional to that made by its neighbors. As a result, learning follows an inverted S-curve, which leads to partial convergence - global divergence and local convergence - that triggers the emergence of political clusters; i.e. the creation of regions with the same policy. Furthermore, the average effectiveness in this computational world tends to follow a J-shaped curve, meaning that not only time is needed for a policy to deploy its effects, but that it also takes time for a country to find the best-suited policy. To conclude, diffusion is an emergent phenomenon from complex interactions and its outcomes as ensued from my model are in line with the theoretical expectations and the empirical evidence.Les méthodes d'analyse de biographie (event history analysis) permettent de mettre en évidence l'existence de phénomènes de diffusion et de les décrire, mais ne permettent pas d'en étudier le processus. Les simulations informatiques, grâce aux performances croissantes des ordinateurs, rendent possible l'étude des processus en tant que tels. Cette thèse, basée sur le modèle théorique développé par Braun et Gilardi (2006), présente une simulation centrée sur les agents des phénomènes de diffusion des politiques. Le point de départ de ce travail met en lumière, au niveau théorique, les principaux facteurs de changement internes à un pays : la préférence pour une politique donnée, l'efficacité de cette dernière, les contraintes institutionnelles, l'idéologie, et les principaux mécanismes de diffusion que sont l'apprentissage, la compétition, l'émulation et la coercition. La diffusion, définie par l'interdépendance des différents acteurs, est un système complexe dont l'étude est rendue possible par les simulations centrées sur les agents. Au niveau méthodologique, nous présenterons également les principaux concepts sous-jacents aux simulations, notamment la complexité et l'émergence. De plus, l'utilisation de simulations informatiques implique le développement d'un algorithme et sa programmation. Cette dernière réalisée, les agents peuvent interagir, avec comme résultat l'émergence d'un phénomène de diffusion, dérivé de l'apprentissage, où le choix d'un agent dépend en grande partie de ceux faits par ses voisins. De plus, ce phénomène suit une courbe en S caractéristique, poussant à la création de régions politiquement identiques, mais divergentes au niveau globale. Enfin, l'efficacité moyenne, dans ce monde simulé, suit une courbe en J, ce qui signifie qu'il faut du temps, non seulement pour que la politique montre ses effets, mais également pour qu'un pays introduise la politique la plus efficace. En conclusion, la diffusion est un phénomène émergent résultant d'interactions complexes dont les résultats du processus tel que développé dans ce modèle correspondent tant aux attentes théoriques qu'aux résultats pratiques.
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Aquest document se centra en els casos dels dos principals partits espanyols (PP i PSOE) i catalans (PSC i CDC) en el període immediatament després de les eleccions generals espanyoles de maig de 2008, quan aquests celebraren els seus congressos. En general, es poden distingir tres tipus d'actors: en primer lloc, els ciberactivistes que tracten d'obtenir el reconeixement formal de la seva activitat en els seus partits. Així com, els líders del partit que poden intentar promoure la presència del partit en el ciberespai, però que també poden romandre indecisos perquè no és clar l'impacte electoral a la xarxa del ciberactivisme. Finalment, alguns militants tradicionals (off-line) solen ser reticents al reconeixement del ciberactivisme perquè amenaça les recompenses previstes dins del partit. Aquest article mostra com els nostres partits varen respondre al desafiament del ciberactivisme i arriba a la conclusió que la seva situació electoral, mediada per la seva ideologia, estructura organitzativa i el tipus de militància, poden ajudar-nos a comprendre el grau diferent d'institucionalització en l'organització del partit.
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This essay examines the role of melodrama in the American war film, focusing on three post-WWII examples. The main argument centers on the natural alliance between melodrama and militarism based on a shared intolerance for the notion of death as meaningless and in vain. Both melodrama and military ideology employ elaborate rhetorical and narrative strategies to enfold deaths into larger systems of meaning, such as the nation, or in more personal terms, as a rite of passage. One of the most common narrative devices present in the military melodrama is the death that converts survivors to the values of the virtuous victim. The essay examines the shared conventions and different strategies of the following three films: Sands of Iwo Jima (1949), Platoon (1986), and Top Gun (1986).
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El treball pretén aportar un coneixement de caràcter psicosocial sobre els contextos on els professionals del sistema jurídic-penal ofereixen atenció a les víctimes de violència de gènere, concretament, les unitats i oficines habilitades per recollir la denúncia o atestat dins de les comissaries dels Mossos d’esquadra i els jutjats d´instrucció de la dona. L´àmbit territorial va ser Barcelona i Girona. Es va obtenir informació sobre judicis realitzats a l´Audiència provincial, així com documents legals en relació al tema. S’ha analitzat les necessitats i dificultats juntament amb la identificació dels recursos psicosocials que aporten tant aquests professionals com les dones que han patit o estan patit un procés de maltractament per part de la parella. La pretensió es oferir una mirada particular per suggerir transformacions que facilitin el procés d´atenció en aquests contextos, sovint difícil i, que comporta conseqüències emocionals per part de les víctimes i dels mateixos agents que les atenen. S’ha partit de les narracions de les víctimes i dels agents jurídics, com pràctiques socials a partir de les quals podem detectar valors, posicions, normes, emocions i efectes de gènere que permetrà dirigir la intervenció. Com a eines d´anàlisi s’ha fet ús els repertoris interpretatius els quals han permès analitzar les construccions socials i els seus efectes al voltant del maltracte, de les identitats de les víctimes i els victimaris.
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Familial searching consists of searching for a full profile left at a crime scene in a National DNA Database (NDNAD). In this paper we are interested in the circumstance where no full match is returned, but a partial match is found between a database member's profile and the crime stain. Because close relatives share more of their DNA than unrelated persons, this partial match may indicate that the crime stain was left by a close relative of the person with whom the partial match was found. This approach has successfully solved important crimes in the UK and the USA. In a previous paper, a model, which takes into account substructure and siblings, was used to simulate a NDNAD. In this paper, we have used this model to test the usefulness of familial searching and offer guidelines for pre-assessment of the cases based on the likelihood ratio. Siblings of "persons" present in the simulated Swiss NDNAD were created. These profiles (N=10,000) were used as traces and were then compared to the whole database (N=100,000). The statistical results obtained show that the technique has great potential confirming the findings of previous studies. However, effectiveness of the technique is only one part of the story. Familial searching has juridical and ethical aspects that should not be ignored. In Switzerland for example, there are no specific guidelines to the legality or otherwise of familial searching. This article both presents statistical results, and addresses criminological and civil liberties aspects to take into account risks and benefits of familial searching.
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Why we fight és un grup de set pel·lícules de format documental que van formar part d’un ampli programa d’informació, formació i propaganda impulsat per l’exèrcit nord-americà, en el moment en què els Estats Units ja s’havien implicat en la Segona Guerra Mundial. És també un dels més reeixits exercicis de retòrica cinematogràfica nord-americana d’aquell període que permet analitzar com els països democràtics van gestionar qüestions tan compromeses com la propaganda de guerra. La pretensió d’aquest treball de recerca és aprofundir en la complexitat ideològica i formal de la sèrie, que faci possible descobrir-ne els orígens, els objectius i la manera com aquests van ser assolits per un grup d’especialistes cinematogràfics, coordinats pel director Frank Capra, tots els quals havien triomfat fins llavors a Hollywood
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Abstract The neo-liberal capitalist ideology has come under heavy fire with anecdotal evidence indicating a link between these same values and unethical behavior. Academic institutions reflect social values and act as socializing agents for the young. Can this explain the high and increasing rates of cheating that currently prevail in education? Our first chapter examines the question of whether self-enhancement values of power and açhievement, the individual level equivalent of neo-liberal capitalist values, predict positive attitudes towards cheating. Furthermore, we explore the mediating role of motivational factors. Results of four studies reveal that self-enhancement value endorsement predicts the adoption of performance-approach goals, a relationship mediated by introjected regulation, namely desire for social approval and that self-enhancement value endorsement also predicts the condoning of cheating, a relationship mediated by performance-approach goal adoption. However, self-transcendence values prescribed by a normatively salient source have the potential to reduce the link between self-enhancement value endorsément and attitudes towards cheating. Normative assessment constitutes a key tool used by academic institutions to socialize young people to accept the competitive, meritocratic nature of a sociéty driven by a neo-liberal capitalist ideology. As such, the manifest function of grades is to motivate students to work hard and to buy into the competing ethos. Does normative assessment fulfill these functions? Our second chapter explores the reward-intrinsic motivation question in the context of grading, arguably a high-stakes reward. In two experiments, the relative capacity of graded high performance as compared to the task autonomy experienced in an ungraded task to predict post-task intrinsic motivation is assessed. Results show that whilst the graded task performance predicts post-task appreciation, it fails to predict ongoing motivation. However, perceived autonomy experienced in non-graded condition, predicts both post-task appreciation and ongoing motivation. Our third chapter asks whether normative assessment inspires the spirit of competition in students. Results of three experimental studies reveal that expectation of a grade for a task, compared to no grade, induces greater adoption of performance-avoidance, but not performance-approach, goals. Experiment 3 provides an explanatory mechanism for this, showing that reduced autonomous motivation experienced in previous graded tasks mediates the relationship between grading and adoption of performance avoidance goals in a subsequent task. The above results, when combined, provide evidence as to the deleterious effects of self enhancement values and the associated practice of normative assessment in school on student motivation, goals and ethics. We conclude by using value and motivation theory to explore solutions to this problem.