Diet and condition of American Alligators (Alligator mississippiensis)in three central Florida lakes

Understanding the diet of crocodilians is important because diet affects condition, behavior, growth, and reproduction. By examining the diet of crocodilians, valuable knowledge is gained about predator-prey interactions and prey utilization among habitats. In this study, I examined the diet and condition of adult American alligators (Alligator mississippiensis) in three central Florida lakes, Griffin, Apopka, and Woodruff. Two hundred adult alligators were captured and lavaged from March through October 2001, from April through October 2002, and from April through August 2003. Alligators ate a variety of vertebrate and invertebrate prey, but vertebrates were more abundant and fish dominated alligator diets in the lakes. Species composition of fish varied among the lakes. The majority of the diet of alligators from Lakes Apopka and Woodruff was fish, 90% and 84% respectively. Lake Apopka alligators consumed a significantly (P = 0.006) higher proportion of fish in their diet. Fish were 54% of the diet of Lake Griffin alligators and the infrequent occurrence of reptiles, mammals, birds, and amphibians often resulted in a large biomass. Differences in alligator diets among lakes may be due to differences in sample size (higher numbers of samples from Lake Griffin), prey availability, habitat, prey vulnerability, or prey size. Alligator condition (Fulton’s Condition Factor, K) was significantly (P < 0.001) different among the lakes. Alligators from Lake Apopka had the highest condition, followed by those from Lake Griffin, and alligators from Lake Woodruff had the lowest condition. Composition of fish along with diversity and equitability of fish in alligator diets may have contributed to differences in condition among lakes. Condition was probably also due to factors other than diet such as alligator hunting behavior, alligator density, or year-round optimal temperature that prolongs feeding. The observed diet and condition differences probably reflect both habitat differences and prey availability in these three lakes.

Bacantes de Eurípides: Felicidad iniciática y furia salvaje en el cortejo femenino de Dioniso

404 p. E-mail de contacto del autor: jbreviatti@yahoo.es

Osteometric analysis of the scapula and humerus of Rangifer tarandus and Cervus elaphus : A contribution to the discrimination of Late Pleistocene cervids

Fossil remains of reindeer (Rangifer tarandus) occurring outside their present range are an important indicator of formerly cold climatic conditions, but are easily confused with those of the red deer (Cervus elaphus). The locality of Kiputz IX has yielded one of the best-preserved Late Pleistocene reindeer populations of the southern Pyrenees, occurring in association with Bison priscus and the much more abundant Cervus elaphus. Fossil remains from this site are mostly complete and not affected by human intervention, thus creating the perfect conditions for reliable osteometric analyses. Here, we quantify diagnostic morphological features of the scapula and the humerus of Cervus elaphus and Rangifer tarandus to establish the potential of these bones to aid in interspecific discrimination. In the case of the scapula, the best species discriminator is the ratio of the minimum anteroposterior diameter of the scapular neck and the development of the articular process, while the breadth of the trochlea is the best discriminator in the case of the humerus.

Insight on how fishing bats discern prey and adjust their mechanic and sensorial features during the attack sequence

Several insectivorous bats have included fish in their diet, yet little is known about the processes underlying this trophic shift. We performed three field experiments with wild fishing bats to address how they manage to discern fish from insects and adapt their hunting technique to capture fish. We show that bats react only to targets protruding above the water and discern fish from insects based on prey disappearance patterns. Stationary fish trigger short and shallow dips and a terminal echolocation pattern with an important component of the narrowband and low frequency calls. When the fish disappears during the attack process, bats regulate their attack increasing the number of broadband and high frequency calls in the last phase of the echolocation as well as by lengthening and deepening their dips. These adjustments may allow bats to obtain more valuable sensorial information and to perform dips adjusted to the level of uncertainty on the location of the submerged prey. The observed ultrafast regulation may be essential for enabling fishing to become cost-effective in bats, and demonstrates the ability of bats to rapidly modify and synchronise their sensorial and motor features as a response to last minute stimulus variations.

En torno a algunas escenas pictóricas de caza del repertorio artístico del SE del Sahara Occidental

[ES] Se describen 4 escenas artísticas con significación cinegética conservadas en otros tantos abrigos situados al SE del Sahara Occidental. Se han reconocido directamente sobre el terreno en el marco del proyecto de investigación sistemática que, desde 2005, llevamos a cabo en la región saharaui del Tiris. Configuran un conjunto de representaciones pictóricas en las que uno o varios individuos se muestran en actitud de cazar uno o varios animales. Tras la valoración analítica del gesto temático, se propone una ordenación cronoestilística para la serie.

Sobre el carácter y el objeto de la crítica moral en la sátira 2.5 de Horacio

El presente artículo es una ampliación y reelaboración de la comunicación presentada en el II Encuentro Interdisciplinar sobre Retórica, Texto y Comunicación (Cádiz, 7-10 de diciembre de 1994) titulada: "El valor del diálogo en la sátira de Horacio: el ejemplo de 2.5".

Note d'épigraphie hispanique: á propos de HAEP. 2523 et AE, 1995, 858

Un primer trabajo sobre estas inscripciones se presentó en la SFER, París, el 20 de junio de 1998.

Soro-reatividade para hidatidose policística e análise sócio-epidemiológica em Sena Madureira, Acre - Brasil

Hidatidose policística é uma zoonose negligenciada causada pela larva do cestóide, Echinococcus vogeli, em habitantes de florestas úmidas da região neotropical. Caçar e alimentar cães com vísceras da caça são hábitos relatados nos indivíduos suspeitos ou com esta parasitose comprovada. O diagnóstico é baseado em dados clínicos, resultado de análise de imagens e detecção de anticorpos pelo teste de Immunoblot o que tem sido descrito para pacientes com a forma crônica da doença. Apenas nesta fase, os pacientes procuram por assistência médica. Este trabalho tem como objetivo avaliar a reatividade sorológica para hidatidose policística, caracterizar os aspectos epidemiológicos e avaliar a presença de enteroparasitoses nos indivíduos moradores de duas regiões de floresta em Sena Madureira (Acre). Os indivíduos concordaram em participar após apreciação do Termo de Consentimento Livre e Esclarecido. Por meio de questionário foram obtidas informações sobre identificação, endereço, sexo, idade e hábitos de caça. Foram coletadas amostras de sangue em 125 habitantes da unidade de conservação (Floresta Estadual do Antimary) e outra unidade de não conservação ambiental em Sena Madureira, onde foram obtidas 207 amostras de sangue. Os soros foram processados pelo teste de Immunoblot para a pesquisa de IgG, nas diluições 1:100 e 1:10, no Serviço de Referência Nacional em Hidatidose-IOC-Fiocruz. Na Unidade de conservação, 39,2% dos indivíduos apresentaram sorologia positiva e 17,4% na outra área. Demonstrou-se que existe diferença significativa entre as áreas, embora a correlação seja baixa. A maioria dos indivíduos reativos em ambas as áreas apresentou as bandas de 40kDA e 28kDa. Nas duas áreas de estudo não houve diferença significativa na reatividade em relação a faixa etária. O hábito de caçar entre os reativos foi de 100% dos indivíduos praticantes da caça na Unidade de conservação e na Unidade de não conservação foi de 88,9% dos indivíduos. A presença de um a três cães foi predominante nas duas áreas. A prática da caça e a presença de cães não teve associação significativa com a reatividade sorológica em ambas as áreas. A ocupação dos indivíduos reativos nas duas regiões foi predominantemente agricultores e estudantes. Em relação ao exame parasitológico não foi encontrado nenhum parasito nos indivíduos reativos que pudesse ter reação cruzada no teste imunológico. Conclui-se que existe diferença de reatividade entre as áreas, sendo que a Unidade de conservação tem maior número de indivíduos reativos. Não foi verificada associação entre a reatividade, o gênero, a faixa etária, prática de caça e presença de cães. Os indivíduos reativos também possuíam enteroparasitoses, porém estas não estão relacionadas com a possível reação cruzada no teste de Immunoblot. A presença das bandas de 40kDa e 28kDa no teste de Immunoblot podem ser uma característica do perfil sorológico de indivíduos de área endêmica que já entraram em contato com o parasito.

Commercial Whaling, Especially for Gray Whales, Eschrichtius robustus, and Humpback Whales, Megaptera novaeangliae, at California and Baja California Shore Stations in the 19th Century (1854–1899)

Shore whaling along North America’s California and Baja California coasts during 1854–99 was ancillary to the offshore and alongshore American whale fishery, which had begun in the North Pacific in the early 1800’s and was flourishing by the 1840’s. From its inception at Monterey, Calif., in the mid 1850’s, the shore fishery, involving open boats deployed from land to catch and tow whales for processing, eventually spread from Monterey south to San Diego and Baja California and north to Crescent City near the California–Oregon border. It had declined to a relict industry by the 1880’s, although sporadic efforts continued into the early 20th century. The main target species were gray whales, Eschrichtius robustus, and humpback whales, Megaptera novaeangliae, with the valuable North Pacific right whale, Eubalaena japonica, also pursued opportunistically. Catch data are grossly incomplete for most stations; no logbooks were kept for these operations as they were for high-seas whaling voyages. Even when good information is available on catch levels, usually as number of whales landed or quantity of oil produced, it is rarely broken down by species. Therefore, we devised methods for extrapolation, interpolation, pro rationing, correction, and informed judgment to produce time series of catches. The resulting estimates of landings from 1854 to 1899 are 3,150 (SE = 112) gray whales and 1,637 (SE = 62) humpback whales. The numbers landed should be multiplied by 1.2 to account for hunting loss (i.e. whales harpooned or shot but not recovered and processed).

Nineteenth-century Ship-based Catches of Gray Whales, Eschrichtius robustus, in the Eastern North Pacific

The 19th century commercial ship-based fishery for gray whales, Eschrichtius robustus, in the eastern North Pacific began in 1846 and continued until the mid 1870’s in southern areas and the 1880’s in the north. Henderson identified three periods in the southern part of the fishery: Initial, 1846–1854; Bonanza, 1855–1865; and Declining, 1866–1874. The largest catches were made by “lagoon whaling” in or immediately outside the whale population’s main wintering areas in Mexico—Magdalena Bay, Scammon’s Lagoon, and San Ignacio Lagoon. Large catches were also made by “coastal” or “alongshore” whaling where the whalers attacked animals as they migrated along the coast. Gray whales were also hunted to a limited extent on their feeding grounds in the Bering and Chukchi Seas in summer. Using all available sources, we identified 657 visits by whaling vessels to the Mexican whaling grounds during the gray whale breeding and calving seasons between 1846 and 1874. We then estimated the total number of such visits in which the whalers engaged in gray whaling. We also read logbooks from a sample of known visits to estimate catch per visit and the rate at which struck animals were lost. This resulted in an overall estimate of 5,269 gray whales (SE = 223.4) landed by the ship-based fleet (including both American and foreign vessels) in the Mexican whaling grounds from 1846 to 1874. Our “best” estimate of the number of gray whales removed from the eastern North Pacific (i.e. catch plus hunting loss) lies somewhere between 6,124 and 8,021, depending on assumptions about survival of struck-but-lost whales. Our estimates can be compared to those by Henderson (1984), who estimated that 5,542–5,507 gray whales were secured and processed by ship-based whalers between 1846 and 1874; Scammon (1874), who believed the total kill over the same period (of eastern gray whales by all whalers in all areas) did not exceed 10,800; and Best (1987), who estimated the total landed catch of gray whales (eastern and western) by American ship-based whalers at 2,665 or 3,013 (method-dependent) from 1850 to 1879. Our new estimates are not high enough to resolve apparent inconsistencies between the catch history and estimates of historical abundance based on genetic variability. We suggest several lines of further research that may help resolve these inconsistencies.

A. A. Berzin and His Memoir

Alfred A. Berzin began to study whales in 1955 at the Pacific Research and Fisheries Center (TINRO) in Vladivostok where he is still working at the present time. In the years before the rapid development of Soviet whaling only two fleets (Aleut and Second Kuril) were hunting whales.

Humpback and Fin Whaling in the Gulf of Maine from 1800 to 1918

The history of whaling in the Gulf of Maine was reviewed primarily to estimate removals of humpback whales, Megaptera novaeangliae, especially during the 19th century. In the decades from 1800 to 1860, whaling effort consisted of a few localized, small-scale, shore-based enterprises on the coast of Maine and Cape Cod, Mass. Provincetown and Nantucket schooners occasionally conducted short cruises for humpback whales in New England waters. With the development of bomb-lance technology at mid century, the ease of killing humpback whales and fin whales, Balaenoptera physalus, increased. As a result, by the 1870’s there was considerable local interest in hunting rorquals (baleen whales in the family Balaenopteridae, which include the humpback and fin whales) in the Gulf of Maine. A few schooners were specially outfitted to take rorquals in the late 1870’s and 1880’s although their combined annual take was probably no more than a few tens of whales. Also in about 1880, fishing steamers began to be used to hunt whales in the Gulf of Maine. This steamer fishery grew to include about five vessels regularly engaged in whaling by the mid 1880’s but dwindled to only one vessel by the end of the decade. Fin whales constituted at least half of the catch, which exceeded 100 animals in some years. In the late 1880’s and thereafter, few whales were taken by whaling vessels in the Gulf of Maine.

Beluga, Delphinapterus leucas, Habitat Associations in Cook Inlet, Alaska

A review of available information describing habitat associations for belugas, Delphinapterus leucas, in Cook Inlet was undertaken to complement population assessment surveys from 1993-2000. Available data for physical, biological, and anthropogenic factors in Cook Inlet are summarized followed by a provisional description of seasonal habitat associations. To summarize habitat preferences, the beluga summer distribution pattern was used to partition Cook Inlet into three regions. In general, belugas congregate in shallow, relatively warm, low-salinity water near major river outflows in upper Cook Inlet during summer (defined as their primary habitat), where prey availability is comparatively high and predator occurrence relatively low. In winter, belugas are seen in the central inlet, but sightings are fewer in number, and whales more dispersed compared to summer. Belugas are associated with a range of ice conditions in winter, from ice-free to 60% ice-covered water. Natural catastrophic events, such as fires, earthquakes, and volcanic eruptions, have had no reported effect on beluga habitat, although such events likely affect water quality and, potentially, prey availability. Similarly, although sewage effluent and discharges from industrial and military activities along Cook Inlet negatively affect water quality, analyses of organochlorines and heavy metal burdens indicate that Cook Inlet belugas are not assimilating contaminant loads greater than any other Alaska beluga stocks. Offshore oil and gas activities and vessel traffic are high in the central inlet compared with other Alaska waters, although belugas in Cook Inlet seem habituated to these anthropogenic factors. Anthropogenic factors that have the highest potential negative impacts on belugas include subsistence hunts (not discussed in this report), noise from transportation and offshore oil and gas extraction (ship transits and aircraft overflights), and water quality degradation (from urban runoff and sewage treatment facilities). Although significant impacts from anthropogenic factors other than hunting are not yet apparent, assessment of potential impacts from human activities, especially those that may effect prey availability, are needed.

Harvest History of Belugas, Delphinapterus leucas, in Cook Inlet, Alaska

Belugas, Delphinapterus leucas, in Cook Inlet, Alaska, represent a unique and isolated marine mammal population that has been hunted for a variety of purposes since prehistoric times. Archeological studies have shown that both Alutiiq Eskimos and Dena'ina Atabaskan Indians have long utilized many marine resources in Cook Inlet, including belugas. Over the past century, commercial whaling and sport hunting also occurred periodically in Cook Inlet prior to the Marine Mammal Protection Act of 1972 (MMPA). During the 1990's, the hunting mortality by Alaska Natives apparently increased to 40-70 whales per year, which led to the decling of this stock and its subsequent designation in 2000 as depleted under the MMPA. Concerns about the decline of the Cook Inlet stock resulted in a voluntary suspension of the subsistenc hunt by Alaska Natives in 1999. The difficulty in obtaining accurate estimates for the harvest of these whales is due to the inability to identify all of the hunters and, in turn, the size of the harvest. Attempts to reconstruct harvest records based on hunters' recollections and interviews from only a few households have been subject to a wide degree of speculation. To adequately monitor the beluga harvest, the National Marine Fisheries Service established marking and reporting regulations in October 1999. These rules require that Alaska Natives who hunt belugas in Cook Inlet must collect the lowere left jaw from harvested whales and complete a report that includes date and time of the harvest, coloration of the whale, harvest location, and method of harvest. The MMPA was amended in 2000 to require a cooperative agreement between the National Marine Fisheries Service and Alaska Native organizations before hunting could be resumed.

History of Whaling and Estimated Kill of Right Whales, Balaena glacialis, in the Northeastern United States, 1620–1924

This study, part of a broader investigation of the history of exploitation of right whales, Balaena glacialis, in the western North Atlantic, emphasizes U.S. shore whaling from Maine to Delaware (from lat. 45°N to 38°30'N) in the period 1620–1924. Our broader study of the entire catch history is intended to provide an empirical basis for assessing past distribution and abundance of this whale population. Shore whaling may have begun at Cape Cod, Mass., in the 1620’s or 1630’s; it was certainly underway there by 1668. Right whale catches in New England waters peaked before 1725, and shore whaling at Cape Cod, Martha’s Vineyard, and Nantucket continued to decline through the rest of the 18th century. Right whales continued to be taken opportunistically in Massachusetts, however, until the early 20th century. They were hunted in Narragansett Bay, R.I., as early as 1662, and desultory whaling continued in Rhode Island until at least 1828. Shore whaling in Connecticut may have begun in the middle 1600’s, continuing there until at least 1718. Long Island shore whaling spanned the period 1650–1924. From its Dutch origins in the 1630’s, a persistent shore whaling enterprise developed in Delaware Bay and along the New Jersey shore. Although this activity was most profi table in New Jersey in the early 1700’s, it continued there until at least the 1820’s. Whaling in all areas of the northeastern United States was seasonal, with most catches in the winter and spring. Historically, right whales appear to have been essentially absent from coastal waters south of Maine during the summer and autumn. Based on documented references to specific whale kills, about 750–950 right whales were taken between Maine and Delaware, from 1620 to 1924. Using production statistics in British customs records, the estimated total secured catch of right whales in New England, New York, and Pennsylvania between 1696 and 1734 was 3,839 whales based on oil and 2,049 based on baleen. After adjusting these totals for hunting loss (loss-rate correction factor = 1.2), we estimate that 4,607 (oil) or 2,459 (baleen) right whales were removed from the stock in this region during the 38-year period 1696–1734. A cumulative catch estimate of the stock’s size in 1724 is 1,100–1,200. Although recent evidence of occurrence and movements suggests that right whales continue to use their traditional migratory corridor along the U.S. east coast, the catch history indicates that this stock was much larger in the 1600’s and early 1700’s than it is today. Right whale hunting in the eastern United States ended by the early 1900’s, and the species has been protected throughout the North Atlantic since the mid 1930’s. Among the possible reasons for the relatively slow stock recovery are: the very small number of whales that survived the whaling era to become founders, a decline in environmental carrying capacity, and, especially in recent decades, mortality from ship strikes and entanglement in fishing gear.