Historia de Vida de Andrés Díaz de Rábago S.J. (1947-1957): O cómo la Guerra Civil China cambió la estructura de la Compañía de Jesús en Asia.

Peer-reviewed

Exploring the conditions for a mortality crisis: bringing context back into the debate

This study engages with the debate over the mortality crises in the former Soviet Union and Central and Eastern Europe by 1) considering at length and as complementary to each other the two most prominent explanations for the post-communist mortality crisis, stress and alcohol consumption; 2) emphasizing the importance of context by exploiting systematic similarities and differences across the region. Differential mortality trajectories reveal three country groups that cluster both spatially and in terms of economic transition experiences. The first group are the countries furthest west in which mortality rates increased minimally after the transition began. The second group experienced a severe increase in mortality rates in the early 1990s, but recovered previous levels within a few years. These countries are located peripherally to Russia and its nearest neighbours. The final group consists of countries that experienced two mortality increases or in which mortality levels had not recovered to pre-transition levels well into the 21st century. Cross-sectional time-series data analyses of men’s and women’s age and cause-specific death rates reveal that the clustering of these countries and their mortality trajectories can be partially explained by the economic context, which is argued to be linked to stress and alcohol consumption. Above and beyond many basic differences in the country groups that are held constant—including geographically and historically shared cultural, lifestyle and social characteristics—poor economic conditions account for a remarkably consistent share of excess age-specific and cause-specific deaths.

Occupational sex-composition and earnings : individual and social effects

This paper investigates the micro and macro-level factors affecting the empirical association between occupational sex-composition and individual earnings. This is done in two analytical steps using data from the second round of the European Social Survey. In a first step, country-fixed-effects regressions are used to test the extent to which job-specialization, gender attitudes and the relative supply of domestic work can account for the impact of occupational sex-composition on earnings. In accordance with previous research, it is found that all these micro-level variables have a significant effect on the analyzed association, yet only job-specialization can explain it away by itself. In a second analytical step, macro-level interactions are tested under the hypothesis that defamilialization policies reduce the pay-offs of sphere specialization by sex, generating incentives for all types of women to invest in the labor market. Empirical results suggest that gender attitudes and the relative supply of housework are much more loosely associated to earning in social-democratic and former communist societies than in conservative or liberal regimes. This finding is interpreted as consistent with the defamilialization hypothesis.

Kommunistinen manifesti kontekstissaan : Marx ja kapitalismin voittokulun epätodennäköinen historia

Abstract: The Communist Manifesto in context

How Wages and Employment Adjust to Trade Liberalization: Quasi-Experimental Evidence from Austria

We study the response of regional employment and nominal wages to trade liberalization, exploiting the natural experiment provided by the opening of Central and Eastern European markets after the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1990. Using data for Austrian municipalities, we examine di¤erential pre- and post-1990 wage and employment growth rates between regions bordering the formerly communist economies and interior regions. If the 'border regions'are de...ned narrowly, within a band of less than 50 kilometers, we can identify statistically signi...cant liberalization e¤ects on both employment and wages. While wages responded earlier than employment, the employment e¤ect over the entire adjustment period is estimated to be around three times as large as the wage e¤ect. The implied slope of the regional labor supply curve can be replicated in an economic geography model that features obstacles to labor migration due to immobile housing and to heterogeneous locational preferences.

Historia de Vida de Andrés Díaz de Rábago S.J. (1947-1957): O cómo la Guerra Civil China cambió la estructura de la Compañía de Jesús en Asia.

Peer-reviewed

International comparison of Russian food processing industry -Finnish perspective

Työn päätavoitteena on kartoittaa Venäjän elintarviketeollisuutta ulkomaisen investoijan näkökulmasta. Tutkimus arvioi liiketoimintamahdollisuuksia ja kilpailutilannetta Venäjän elintarviketeollisuudessa ja auttaa ulkomaisia yrityksiä toteuttamaan liiketoimintastrategioitaan Venäjällä. Venäjän ja muiden siirtymätalousmaiden markkinatilannevertailujen lisäksi Venäjän alueita verrataan keskenään. Myös mahdollisen WTO jäsenyyden vaikutuksia arvioidaan. Kommunismin perintö vaikuttaa edelleen Venäjän elintarviketeollisuuteen ja maatalouteen. Maatalouden tuottavuus on kaukana länsimaisesta tasosta ja maatiloilta puuttuu rahoitusta. Etenkin maidon- ja lihanjalostajat kärsivät raaka-ainepulasta. Venäjän kriisi vuonna 1998 vahvisti paikallista teollisuustuotantoa mutta aiheutti ongelmia ulkomaisille investoijille ja yrityksille, jotka vievät tuotteitaan Venäjälle. Edut, joita mahdollinen maailmankauppajärjestö WTO:n jäsenyys tuo, ovat merkittävämpiä Venäjälle kuin sen kauppakumppaneille. Venäjän alueet eivät ole yhtäläisesti kehittyneitä ja kuluttajien ostovoima vaihtelee paljon. Itsestään selvin ja houkuttelevin vaihtoehto menestyvien elintarvikeyritysten laajentumiselle löytyy alueilta, joilla ostovoima on suurin. Tähän asti kansainväliset elintarvikeyritykset ovat olleet enemmän kiinnostuneita Itä- ja Keski-Euroopan maista. Käytettävissä olevat tulot ovat Itä- ja Keski-Euroopan maissa suurempia kuin Venäjällä, joten tuottajat pystyvät myymään myös kalliimpia tuotteita. Työvoimakustannukset Venäjällä tulevat olemaan suotuisia vielä muutaman vuosikymmenen ja markkinoiden koko on merkittävä. Siksi kansainvälisillä elintarvikeyrityksillä riittää kiinnostusta tulevaisuudessa investoida myös Venäjälle.

Els cargols cibernètics es preparen per fer d'espies

Aprofitant el líquid que circula pel seu cos, com si fos sang, generen prou energia per fer funcionar les antenes amb què transmetrien informació

Entre culture du consensus et critique sociale : les intellectuels de gauche dans la Suisse de l'après-guerre (1945-1968)

Cette thèse étudie l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche dans la vie politique suisse, de 1945 à 1968. D'une part, il s'agit de retracer l'évolution du statut des intellectuels, que ce soit dans ou hors des partis. D'autre part, il est question d'analyser les débats politiques au sein desquels ces intellectuels furent impliqués, et la manière dont ces débats suscitèrent des clivages entre eux. De ce point de vue, nous mettons en lumière les différents courants et groupes formés par les intellectuels progressistes, souvent structurés autour de revues ; il s'agit aussi bien d'étudier l'engagement de personnalités sociales-démocrates que des communistes prosoviétiques, sans oublier les chrétiens pacifistes ou les intellectuels proches de la gauche radicale antistalinienne. S'agissant de l'évolution du statut des acteurs étudiés, ce travail souligne le déclin de la figure de l'intellectuel de gauche organiquement lié à son parti, souvent issu du milieu ouvrier, au profit d'intellectuels critiques, généralement au bénéfice d'une formation académique et revendiquant une certaine autonomie par rapport aux organisations politiques. Du point de vue des débats politiques, l'engagement des intellectuels de gauche est envisagé à la lumière de trois périodes. Tout d'abord, nous étudions la phase de l'immédiat après-guerre (1945-1949), marquée par une poussée de la gauche, y compris prosoviétique, qui met en cause le conservatisme politique issu des années de Mobilisation. Nous étudions ensuite les années les plus tendues de la guerre froide, entre 1950 et 1962, durant lesquelles la vie politique et intellectuelle en Suisse est dominée par un fort anticommunisme, auquel se rallient les dirigeants du Parti socialiste. Pourtant, l'engagement de certains intellectuels progressistes, en particulier dans le mouvement pacifiste, met en cause le consensus politique de guerre froide. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, nous montrons comment la critique intellectuelle de gauche se renforce après 1962, à la faveur de la détente Est-Ouest sur le plan international, et avec l'essor, en Suisse même, du mouvement des « non- conformistes ». Ce mouvement est animé par des intellectuels qui dénoncent le conservatisme helvétique, les excès de l'anticommunisme ou qui affirment leur solidarité avec les travailleurs immigrés en Suisse, aussi bien qu'avec les mouvements sociaux dans les pays du tiers-monde. Nous montrons en particulier comment l'engagement de ces intellectuels progressistes contribue à préparer le terrain pour les mobilisations de la jeunesse qui surviendront dans les « années 1968 ». -- This thesis adresses the political commitment of left-wing intellectuals in Switzerland between 1945 and 1968. It aims, on the one hand, to examine how the status of intellectuals developed within and outside of political parties. On the other hand, it endeavours to understand the political debates that involved and sometimes split these intellectuals. In this intent, we examine the various political orientations and formations that brought left-wing intellectuals together - often around dedicated periodicals - such as the Social-democratic, the Communist, the Christian Progressist or the anti-Stalinist Marxist movements. Regarding the evolving status of left-wing opinion leaders, we observe the decline of the organic, party-affiliated intellectuals - often from a working class background. By contrast, critical academics - left-wing oriented but.not directly linked to a political formation - became prevailing figures. Concerning left-wing intellectuals' involvement in the political debate, we differentiate three historical periods. Firstly, the immediate postwar years (1945-1949) were characterised by the strengthening of a left-wing faction, including pro-Soviet forces, which criticized the conservative political consensus built up during the War. Secondly, during the most tense years of the Cold War (1950-1962), the Swiss political and intellectual life became widely dominated by a strong anticommunism, supported by the Social-Democratic leaders. Still, the commitment of certain progressist intellectuals, particularly in the pacifist movement, called into question the political consensus resulting from the Cold War. This questioning strengthened after 1962, in the context of the Détente, corresponding to the rise of the "non-conformist" movement. This movement stemmed from progressist intellectuals, who criticized the Swiss conservatism, and the excesses of official anticommunism, while declaring their solidarity with immigrant workers or with the social movements in the Third World. We show in particular how these intellectuals paved the way for the youth mobilization due to occur in the "1968 years".

A rota dos estudos sobre a cochonilha em Portugal e no Brasil no século XIX: caminhos desencontrados

For imparting an intense and long-lasting red to fabrics, cochineal remained in high demand during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. This period witnessed, accordingly, several initiatives aimed at producing the precious dye: publication of specialized texts, cultivation of the cactus and the insect from which the dye is extracted, and, also, attempts to obtain the secrets of production through espionage. The present paper analyses certain aspects of the measures adopted by the Portuguese government towards Brazil in this field. The work shows how people sought to take part in the network of cochineal production (yet they were unsuccessful most of the time).

[Kirja-arvostelu]

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

The Finnish Paper Workers' Union at a crossroads: Labor union representativeness in a changing environment, 1980-2008

This thesis consists of four articles and an introductory section. The main research questions in all the articles refer to the changes in the representativeness of the Finnish Paper Workers' Union. Representativeness stands for the entire entity of external, internal, legal and reputational factors that enable the labor union to represent its members and achieve its goals. This concept is based on an extensive reading of quantitative and qualitative industrial relations literature, which includes works based on Marxist labor-capital relations (such as Hyman's industrial relations studies), and more recent union density studies as well as gender- and ethnic diversity-based 'union revitalization' studies. Müller-Jentsch's German studies of industrial relations have been of particular importance as well as Streeck's industrial unionism and technology studies. The concept of representativeness is an attempt to combine the insights of these diverse strands of literature and bring the scientific discussion of labor unions back to the core of a union's function: representing its members. As such, it can be seen as a theoretical innovation. The concept helps to acknowledge both the heterogeneity of the membership and the totality of a labor union organization. The concept of representativeness aims to move beyond notions of 'power'. External representativeness can be expressed through the position of the labor union in the industrial relations system and the economy. Internal representativeness focuses on the aspects of labor unions that relate to the function of the union as an association with members, such as internal democracy. Legal representativeness lies in the formal legal position of the union – its rights and instruments. This includes collective bargaining legislation, co-decision rules and industrial conflict legislation. Reputational representativeness is related to how the union is seen by other actors and the general public, and can be approximated using data on strike activity. All these aspects of representativeness are path-dependent, and show the results of previous struggles over issues. The concept of representativeness goes beyond notions of labor union power and symbolizes an attempt to bring back the focus of industrial relations studies to the union's basic function of representing its members. The first article shows in detail the industrial conflict of the Finnish paper industry in 2005. The intended focus was the issue of gender in the negotiations over a new collective agreement, but the focal point of the industrial conflict was the issue of outsourcing and how this should be organized. Also, the issue of continuous shifts as an issue of working time was very important. The drawn-out conflict can be seen as a struggle over principles, and under pressure the labor union had to concede ground on the aforementioned issues. The article concludes that in this specific conflict, the union represented its' female members to a lesser extent, because the other issues took such priority. Furthermore, because of the substantive concessions. the union lost some of its internal representativeness, and the stubbornness of the union may have even harmed the reputation of the union. This article also includes an early version of the representativeness framework, through which this conflict is analyzed. The second article discusses wage developments, union density and collective bargaining within the context of representativeness. It is shown that the union has been able to secure substantial benefits for its members, regardless of declining employment. Collective agreements have often been based on centralized incomes policies, but the paper sector has not always joined these. Attention is furthermore paid to the changing competition of the General Assembly, with a surprisingly strong position of the Left Alliance still. In an attempt to replicate analysis of union density measures, an analysis of sectoral union density shows that similar factors as in aggregate data influence this measure, though – due to methodological issues – the results may not be robust. On this issue, it can be said that the method of analysis for aggregate union density is not suitable for sectoral union density analysis. The increasingly conflict-ridden industrial relations predicted have not actually materialized. The article concludes by asking whether the aim of ever-increasing wages is a sustainable one in the light of the pressures of globalization, though wage costs are a relatively small part of total costs. The third article discusses the history and use of outsourcing in the Finnish paper industry. It is shown using Hyman's framework of constituencies that over time, the perspective of the union changed from 'members of the Paper Workers' Union' to a more specific view of who is a core member of the union. Within the context of the industrial unionism that the union claims to practice, this is an important change. The article shows that the union more and more caters for a core group, while auxiliary personnel is less important to the union's identity and constituencies, which means that the union's internal representativeness has decreased. Maintenance workers are an exception; the union and employers have developed a rotating system that increases the efficient allocation of these employees. The core reason of the exceptional status of maintenance personnel is their high level of non-transferable skills. In the end it is debatable whether the compromise on outsourcing solves the challenges facing the industry. The fourth article shows diverging discourses within the union with regard to union-employer partnership for competitiveness improvements and instruments of local union representatives. In the collective agreement of 2008, the provision regulating wage effects of significant changes in the organization or content of work was thoroughly changed, though this mainly reflected decisions by the Labor Court on the pre-2008 version of the provision. This change laid bare the deep rift between the Social Democratic and Left Alliance (ex-Communist) factions of the union. The article argues that through the changed legal meaning of the provision, the union was able to transform concession bargaining into a basis for partnership. The internal discontent about this issue is nonetheless substantial and a threat to the unity of the union, both locally and at the union level. On the basis of the results of the articles, other factors influencing representativeness, such as technology and EU law and an overview of the main changes in the Finnish paper industry, it is concluded that, especially in recent years, the Finnish Paper Workers' Union has lost some of its representativeness. In particular, the loss of the efficiency of strikes is noted, the compromise on outsourcing which may have alienated a substantial part of the union's membership, and the change in the collective agreement of 2008 have caused this decline. In the latter case, the internal disunion on that issue shows the constraints of the union's internal democracy. Furthermore, the failure of the union to join the TEAM industrial union (by democratic means), the internal conflicts and a narrow focus on its own sector may also hurt the union in the future, as the paper industry in Finland is going through a structural change. None of these changes in representativeness would have been so drastic without the considerable pressure of globalization - in particular changing markets, changing technology and a loss of domestic investments to foreign investments, which in the end have benefited the corporations more than the Finnish employees of these corporations. Taken together, the union risks becoming socially irrelevant in time, though it will remain formally very strong on the basis of its institutional setting and financial situation.

"We Are Neither Visionaries Nor Utopian Dreamers" : Willi Münzenberg, the League against Imperialism, and the Comintern, 1925-1933

On 10 February 1927, the "First International Congress against Imperialism and Colonialism" in Brussels marked the establishment of the anti-imperialist organisation, the League against Imperialism and for National Independence (LAI, 1927-37). The complex preparations for the congress were though initiated already in 1925 by Willi Münzenberg, a German communist and General Secretary of the communist mass organisation, Internationale Arbeiterhilfe (IAH, 1921-35), together with the Communist International (Comintern, 1919-43). Berlin was the centre for the LAI and its International Secretariat (1927-33), a city serving the intentions of the communists to find colonial émigré activists in the Weimar capital, acting as representatives for the anti-colonial movement in Europe after the Great War. With the ascendancy to power of the Nazi Party (NSDAP) on 30 January 1933, the LAI reached an abrupt, but nonetheless, expected end in Berlin. This doctoral thesis examines the role, pu rpose and functions of a sympathising communist organization (LAI): to act as an intermediary for the Comintern to the colonies. The analysis evaluates the structure and activities of the LAI, and by doing so, establish a complex understanding on one of the most influential communist organisations during the interwar period, which, despite its short existence, assumed a nostalgic reference and historical bond for anti-colonial movements during the transition from colonialism to post-colonialism after the Second World War, e.g. the Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung, Indonesia in 1955. Fredrik Petersson’s study, based on archives in Moscow, Berlin, Amsterdam, London, and Stockholm, uncovers why the Comintern established and supported the LAI and its anti-imperialist agenda, disclosing a complicated undertaking, characterised by conflict and the internal struggle for power, involving structural constraints and individual ambitions defined by communist ideology and strategy.