215 resultados para Bosnia


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The Western Balkans integration within the EU has started a legal process which is the rejection of former communist legal/political approaches and the transformation of former communist institutions. Indeed, the EU agenda has brought vertical/horizontal integration and Europeanization of national institutions (i.e. shifting power to the EU institutions and international authorities). At this point, it is very crucial to emphasize the fact that the Western Balkans as a whole region has currently an image that includes characteristics of both the Soviet socialism and the European democracy. The EU foreign policies and enlargement strategy for Western Balkans have significant effects on four core factors (i.e. Schengen visa regulations, remittances, asylum and migration as an aggregate process). The convergence/divergence of EU member states’ priorities for migration policies regulate and even shape directly the migration dynamics in migrant sender countries. From this standpoint, the research explores how main migration factors are influenced by political and judicial factors such as; rule of law and democracy score, the economic liberation score, political and human rights, civil society score and citizenship rights in Western Balkan countries. The proposal of interhybridity explores how the hybridization of state and non-state actors within home and host countries can solve labor migration-related problems. The economical and sociopolitical labor-migration model of Basu (2009) is overlapping with the multidimensional empirical framework of interhybridity. Indisputably, hybrid model (i.e. collaboration state and non-state actors) has a catalyst role in terms of balancing social problems and civil society needs. Paradigmatically, it is better to perceive the hybrid model as a combination of communicative and strategic action that means the reciprocal recognition within the model is precondition for significant functionality. This will shape social and industrial relations with moral meanings of communication.

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Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Serbia on 16 October has demonstrated Moscow’s willingness to secure its interests in the Balkans and use Belgrade in its confrontation with the West. It seems, however, that Russia does not have much to offer to Serbia’s authorities, which are reluctant to make more concessions towards Russia. However, Moscow has already gained a strong position in Serbia, which is due to the country’s dependence on Russian natural resources and, in particular, strong support for Russian policy on the part of Serbian elites and society. The traditional pro-Russian attitudes have been strengthened as a result of a series of Russia-inspired, wide-ranging soft power initiatives which have proved so successful that a large part of society has begun to believe that Russia’s interests are consistent with Serbia’s. Russia’s increasingly active policy towards Serbia and the Serbian minorities in the neighbouring countries – Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Kosovo – has been part of a larger plan aimed at hampering the integration of the Balkan states with the Euro-Atlantic structures and maintaining an area of instability and frozen conflicts in the EU’s near neighbourhood. Russia’s policy is also becoming increasingly effective due to the EU states’ diminishing support for Balkan countries’ European integration.

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The objectives of the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) for the countries of the Balkan region are generally assumed to be complementary. They both stress and condition their support and assistance on the progress that these countries make with regards to economic modernization, build-up of social institutions, and respect for international law. However, this rhetoric doesn't always match the facts on the ground. Often, instead of dealing with a cohesive set of policy recommendations, the countries in the region are faced with contradictory alternatives and zero-sum choices. The debate over the development of the International Criminal Court (ICC) was such a case. It centered on whether the countries in the region should exempt US personnel from the jurisdiction of the Court while in the country and thus rendering them immune from prosecution for any crimes committed for which the US courts were not willing or able to take any action. The final outcome was mixed. Three of the countries - Croatia, Serbia (and Montenegro), and Slovenia - decided not to give in to US pressure, while the remaining three - Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia - ignored the pleas and threats of the EU and of the various international non-governmental organizations and decided to sign Bilateral Immunity Agreements (BIAs) with the US. How can one explain such divergent outcomes? I argue that the credibility of actors involved played an important role in determining whether threats coming from the US or the EU were more credible, thus tipping the scales in favor of signing BIAs with the US. However, the issue of threat credibility serves only to narrow down the choices of actors. Further determination of the outcome necessitates a look at the nature of the security context in which these countries exist and operate.

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From the Introduction. The refugee question is at the core of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. Palestinians were first displaced as a direct consequence of the 1948 war and its aftermath. Twenty years later, another wave of Palestinian refugees was created as a consequence of the war during which Israel occupied the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The purpose of the present paper is to: • deliver a critical analysis of past approaches to deal with the refugee issue in the various attempts to resolve the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians; • discuss lessons to be learned from the settlement and its implementation mechanisms in Bosnia and Herzegovina; and • propose a direction for a long-term strategy for the international community that avoids past pitfalls and could ultimately lead both parties to an agreement.

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Since the Lisbon Treaty, all organizational conditions have been created for the systematic use of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Military and civil structures, especially the operational headquarters and associated common structures like transport command, have been established. Until now there has been limited activity in crisis resolution, outside of Bosnia and Macedonia, and therefore little has been done in replacement of NATO. It is therefore difficult to assess the development of the common policy on conflict prevention and crisis management and it has been shown that in all cases NATO should come into play as planned from the outset.

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O presente Relatório Detalhado de Atividade Profissional é apresentado no âmbito da obtenção do Grau de Mestre dos Oficiais do Exército licenciados pré-Bolonha pela Academia Militar na Área específica de Administração Militar. A sua redação e estruturação tem por base o definido na NEP 520 e NEP 517/1ª da AM, para esta tipologia de trabalhos, tendo o autor, optado por desenvolver um tema no âmbito da sua atividade profissional, considerado como pioneiro e inovador. O Tenente-Coronel de Administração Militar do Exército Português, Luís Miguel Gonçalves, nasceu a 25 de Novembro de 1971. Do seu percurso académico e formativo, consta frequência pré-Universitária, em estabelecimento militar de ensino, no Instituto Militar dos Pupilos do Exército, na área de Contabilidade e Administração; a Licenciatura em Ciências Militares, na especialidade de Administração Militar, pela Academia Militar, em 1995, com a Classificação final de 13,58 valores; o tirocínio para Oficiais de Administração Militar, com a nota final de 15,38 valores; o Curso de Operações Irregulares, tendo obtido a classificação de 17,67 valores; o Curso de Promoção a Capitão, com 16,63 valores; e o Curso de Promoção a Oficial Superior do Instituto de Altos Estudos Militares, com a classificação final de 14,50 valores. No âmbito da formação de pós-graduação, tem averbado créditos no módulo de Metodologia de Investigação Cientifica, pela Academia Militar, no Ano Letivo 2013/14, com a classificação final de 16,00 valores. Para além destes, o Environmental Course For Portugal – NATO School/ SHAPE; formação em Gestão de Projetos/ Exército - Microsoft Enterprise Project Management; o Curso de Formação Pedagógica Inicial de Formadores do Instituto de Emprego e Formação Profissional, com Homologação das Competências Pedagógicas; e vários certificados de formações no âmbito da Contabilidade, Administração, Finanças Públicas e Auditorias Financeiras, atribuídas pela Direção de Finanças do Exército e pelo Instituto de Gestão e Administração Pública do Porto. Ao longo dos 25 anos de serviço prestado ao Exército Português, como Oficial de Administração Militar, desempenhou diversos cargos e funções de Comando e Chefia, em várias UEO, nas áreas setoriais e funcionais, da formação, da instrução, da componente operacional, da logística, do pessoal, das finanças públicas, das inspeções e auditorias, da gestão e da Administração Militar. Atualmente o Tenente-Coronel Miguel Gonçalves, desempenha as Funções de Comandante de Batalhão na Escola dos Serviços. Para além dos cargos e funções averbadas no seu Curriculum Vitae detalhado, constituiu em 1996 o Núcleo Logístico de Projeção, Implantação, Acompanhamento e Ajuda Técnica no âmbito do emprego dos meios táticos e operacionais da Área de Responsabilidade FND/ IFOR na Bósnia-Herzegovina (Jugoslávia). Tem publicado na Revista da Administração Militar, vários artigos no âmbito da logística operacional, na função de combate Apoio de Serviços. Na área da formação, foi orientador e supervisor de vários trabalhos, individuais e de grupo aos cursos de promoção a capitão; e constitui-se como elemento primariamente responsável pelo planeamento e implementação dos primeiros cursos no Exército, com formação certificado pela Agência Nacional para a Qualificação e Ensino Profissional, I.P., do Sistema Nacional de Qualificações, certificação inserida no Catálogo Nacional de Qualificações. Na área Inspetiva, integrou várias equipas de Inspeção-Geral do Exército, como inspetor responsável pelas áreas de Logística e Finanças, bem como as de Inspetor, para a área dos recursos humanos – Despesas com Pessoal, nas equipas de inspeção do Comando do Pessoal do Exército. No desempenho das funções de Auditor Financeiro do Centro de Finanças do Comando do Pessoal, realizou diversas auditorias financeiras às UEO do Comando do Pessoal, na sua dependência, tendo desenvolvido e implementado um sistema pioneiro e inovador de monitorização e controlo interno, de auditorias “Online” com análise e reporte mensal, às contas das UEO do Comando do Pessoal, tendo em vista a validação das Demonstrações Financeiras para a Conta de Gerência Anual do Exército. A escolha do tema, “O Controlo Interno e a implementação de Auditorias Online no SAFEx em contexto de e-Governance: Tecnologias, desafios e oportunidades” surge na sequência da implementação destes procedimentos pelo autor, numa altura em que o Exército entrava em operativo com o Sistema Integrado de Gestão (SIG/DN), tendo sido à data reconhecido publicamente pelo TGEN Comandante do Pessoal do Exército, como sendo um procedimento inovador, com notáveis vantagens para a eficiência e eficácia do sistema administrativo-financeiro do Comando do Pessoal e consequentemente do Exército.

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The Balkan Vegetation Database (BVD; GIVD ID: EU-00-019; http://www.givd.info/ID/EU-00- 019) is a regional database that consists of phytosociological relevés from different vegetation types from six countries on the Balkan Peninsula (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Kosovo, Montenegro and Serbia). Currently, it contains 9,580 relevés, and most of them (78%) are geo-referenced. The database includes digitized relevés from the literature (79%) and unpublished data (21%). Herein we present descriptive statistics about attributive relevé information. We developed rules that regulate governance of the database, data provision, types of data availability regimes, data requests and terms of use, authorships and relationships with other databases. The database offers an extensive overview about studies on the local, regional and SE European levels including information about flora, vegetation and habitats.

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This article concerns the alleged apparitions of the Virgin Mary in one of the most popular, 'active' apparitional sites in the world: Medjugorje in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The connection between nationalist discourse and apparitions has often been observed and noted in the literature on nationalism; however, the examples of this connection are scattered in the literature and the question why the apparitional phenomenon so easily lends itself to co-option into nationalist discourse has never been addressed. This article explores this question by showing that what binds the two phenomena together is the idea of 'chosenness' and 'specialness', which in turn can be theoretically linked to discussions about national election in the literature on nationalism. This article illustrates the convergence of nationalist and apparitional discourses by drawing on a selected number of examples of how the apparitions in Medjugorje have been appropriated by Croatian nationalist discourse.

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This article explores the growth aspirations of owners and managers of young firms in a post-conflict economy by focusing on social capital. It treats social capital as a multidimensional, multilevel phenomenon, studying the effects of discussion network characteristics, trust in institutions, generalised trust in people and local ethnic pluralism. We argue that in a post-conflict country, ethnic pluralism is indicative of local norms of tolerance towards experimentation and risk taking which support growth aspirations. It also distinguishes between the aspirations of hired managers and owners-managers. The empirical counterpart and hypotheses testing rely on survey evidence drawn from young businesses in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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The purpose of this article is to investigate in which ways multi-level actor cooperation advances national and local implementation processes of human rights norms in weak-state contexts. Examining the cases of women’s rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina and children’s rights in Bangladesh, we comparatively point to some advantages and disadvantages cooperative relations between international organisations, national governments and local NGOs can entail. Whereas these multi-level actor constellations (MACs) usually initiate norm implementation processes reliably and compensate governmental deficits, they are not always sustainable in the long run. If international organisations withdraw support from temporary missions or policy projects, local NGOs are not able to perpetuate implementation activities if state capacities have not been strengthened by MACs. Our aim is to highlight functions of local agency within multi-level cooperation and to critically raise sustainability issues in human rights implementation to supplement norm research in International Relations.

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The article argues that, compared with the other countries in the Western Balkans, the Europeanization of gender equality policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina represents an interesting case of "Europeanization from below". It was not the EU, which called for the introduction of gender equality policies in the Stabilization and Association Process, but domestic policy entrepreneurs, who constructed a "shadow of membership conditionality". They framed their requests as element of the accession process tapping into the aspiration of policy-makers to joining the EU. The case illustrates that Europeanization matters in the Western Balkans, not only in terms of a direct influence of the EU but also because it provides opportunities for domestic policy entrepreneurs to further European objectives themselves.

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Roland Paris is one of those authors whose work is always enjoyable, as he exploits so well the gap between the policy world and academia. His best work reveals a high level of policy insight often before many of his colleagues in academia have caught up. His secret is an ability to analyse the shifting understandings at policy level and to then articulate them in academic terms as if critiquing current policies. This enables his work to be both popular with policy-makers and with their erstwhile critics in academia. His 2004 monograph, At War’s End, captured the shift from peacekeeping intervention and ‘early exit’ to the extended remits of international statebuilding (‘Institutionalization before Liberalization’). It provided a wonderful rationalisation of policy shifts that had already occurred in the late 1990s, starting with the extension of international mandates in Bosnia, from 1996 onwards, and further developed with the Kosovo protectorate in 1999. However, this shift was skilfully reposed as a critique of existing policy-understandings.

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No fim da guerra fria, teve início uma nova era para a Bundeswehr. Com a participação em missões no estrangeiro, surgiram novos desafios que influenciaram as diretrizes da defesa, a estrutura da força, a orientação e as necessidades de formação das forças armadas alemãs. Entre 1992 e 2010, foram implementadas alterações profundas para lidar com a nova situação da NATO e da Alemanha na organização. Em 2003, após várias reformas, o ministério da defesa considerou que reformas apenas não eram suficientes, e teve início o chamado processo de transformação. Este processo contínuo influenciou a "face da Bundeswehr mais profundamente do que qualquer outra alteração até à altura. A orientação em missões internacionais era o novo objetivo e uma consequência de experiências na Somália, Bósnia, Kosovo e Afeganistão. Além disso, a crise financeira para as despesas da defesa e a mudança da estrutura da força NATO influenciaram a Bundeswehr de forma semelhante, e impulsionaram a política de defesa alemã também para estas novas direções. A nova Bundeswehr orientada para missões foram moldadas e desenvolvidas de forma diferente, transformação é a nova palavra-chave e este processo contínuo mantém-se até hoje. Abstract: After the end of the cold war a new era began for the Bundeswehr. With the participation in missions out of area, new challenges came up and influenced the defense papers, force structure, orientation and training needs of the German armed forces. Within 1992 and 2010 several far-reaching changes were made, to deal with the new situation of the NATO and Germanys role within the organization. In 2003, after various reforms, reforms only were no longer sufficient in the eyes of acting minister of defense and the so called transformations process was initiated. This continuing process influenced the “face” of the Bundeswehr more deeply than any other changes before. The orientation on out of area missions was the new objective and a consequence from experiences in Somalia, Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan. Beside of that, the financial downturn for defense expenditure and the changing NATO force structure influenced the Bundeswehr in a similar way and pushed the German defense policy into new directions as well. The new mission orientated Bundeswehr was shaped and built up differently, transformation is the new leading word and the ongoing process until today.