698 resultados para Australia, acculturation, social identity, Taiwanese, Chinese, migrants


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Resultats d’una enquesta de victimització a migrants, elaborada en el si del Grup de recerca “Sistema de justícia penal”, amb el finançament de l’Institut de Seguretat de Catalunya. La recerca projectada parteix de la constatació de l’escàs coneixement existent sobre la victimització de la població migrant. Aquesta no és una singularitat del nostre país, sinó que és una deficiència universal, que té molt a veure amb la posició social de les persones migrants i amb les característiques de les fonts de coneixement de la delinqüència, tant les de caràcter oficial com les no oficials. Ja Christie (1986) havia advertit que la delinqüència soportada per la població migrant estava infrarepresentada a les enquestes de victimització, fet que explicava per la tendència d’aquests instruments de recerca a centrar-se en la “víctima ideal”. Sigui o no certa l’afirmació, pot constatar-se fàcilment com la forma en que normalment es duen a terme les enquestes permet pressuposar que no arriben a les persones migrants de la mateixa manera que a la població general. Un fet no menyspreable és que les persones pertanyents a aquests col-lectius socials minoritaris disposen en menor mesura de telèfon fix al seu domicili. A banda, s’ha de comptar amb els obstacles que poden dificultar l’accés dels entrevistadors o la confiança en aquests, i que les enquestes de victimització no acostumen a estratificar la mostra incloent entre els grups de població prefixats en la mostra convidada la nacionalitat de les persones entrevistades. Les enquestes de victimització realitzades a Catalunya i, en general, a Espanya, no han estat una excepció en aquests punts i per tant és pertinent dubtar si reflecteixen de manera adequada la victimització que pateixen aquests col-lectius.

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Depending on the context, Christians, Muslims and Jews have constructed their own religion, perceived the religions of others, and articulated relations between religions in different ways. This paper examines the rise in history of the three communities, which came to identify themselves through their religions and have been highly sensitive to differences. It indicates common features and parallels of which adherents may have been more or less conscious. The central question in such research is what persons and groups mean in particular situations when they call themselves Christian, Muslim or Jewish. The variety of personal and group identities in the three religious communities has been concealed partly by religious leaderships concerned with the survival of their flocks, and partly by the use of the general concepts of Christianity, Islam and Judaism with which believers have been called to identify. These concepts have shut people into separate religious pigeonholes and could thus be used to support ethnic, social and other rivalries. This pigeonholing has also confronted more spiritually-oriented people with problems of social identity, religious belonging and spiritual authenticity.

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Dominant groups have claimed to be the targets of discrimination on several historical occasions during violent intergroup conflict and genocide.The authors argue that perceptions of ethnic victimization among members of dominant groups express social dominance motives and thus may be recruited for the enforcement of group hierarchy. They examine the antecedents of perceived ethnic victimization among dominants, following 561 college students over 3 years from freshman year to graduation year. Using longitudinal, cross-lagged structural equation modeling, the authors show that social dominance orientation (SDO) positively predicts perceived ethnic victimization among Whites but not among Latinos, whereas victimization does not predict SDO over time. In contrast, ethnic identity and victimization reciprocally predicted each other longitudinally with equal strength among White and Latino students. SDO is not merely a reflection of contextualized social identity concerns but a psychological, relational motivation that undergirds intergroup attitudes across extended periods of time and interacts with the context of group dominance.

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This article studies alterations in the values, attitudes, and behaviors that emerged among U.S. citizens as a consequence of, and as a response to, the attacks of September 11, 2001. The study briefly examines the immediate reaction to the attack, before focusing on the collective reactions that characterized the behavior of the majority of the population between the events of 9/11 and the response to it in the form of intervention in Afghanistan. In studying this period an eight-phase sequential model (Botcharova, 2001) is used, where the initial phases center on the nation as the ingroup and the latter focus on the enemy who carried out the attack as the outgroup. The study is conducted from a psychosocial perspective and uses "social identity theory" (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986) as the basic framework for interpreting and accounting for the collective reactions recorded. The main purpose of this paper is to show that the interpretation of these collective reactions is consistent with the postulates of social identity theory. The application of this theory provides a different and specific analysis of events. The study is based on data obtained from a variety of rigorous academic studies and opinion polls conducted in relation to the events of 9/11. In line with social identity theory, 9/11 had a marked impact on the importance attached by the majority of U.S. citizens to their identity as members of a nation. This in turn accentuated group differentiation and activated ingroup favoritism and outgroup discrimination (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986). Ingroup favoritism strengthened group cohesion, feelings of solidarity, and identification with the most emblematic values of the U.S. nation, while outgroup discrimination induced U.S. citizens to conceive the enemy (al-Qaeda and its protectors) as the incarnation of evil, depersonalizing the group and venting their anger on it, and to give their backing to a military response, the eventual intervention in Afghanistan. Finally, and also in line with the postulates of social identity theory, as an alternative to the virtual bipolarization of the conflict (U.S. vs al-Qaeda), the activation of a higher level of identity in the ingroup is proposed, a group that includes the United States and the largest possible number of countries¿ including Islamic states¿in the search for a common, more legitimate and effective solution.

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This study explores the impact of relative size on the intra- and intergroup attitudes of groups who either share a language or have a different language. For that purpose, we examined international attitudes, comparing a small nation, Switzerland, and two larger nations, Germany and France. We found support for the assumption that large neighbouring nations pose a threat to the smaller nation's identity, especially when they are linguistically similar. Consequently, in line with Tajfel's Social Identity Theory (1978), the smaller nation's inhabitants evaluate those of the larger nation less positively, liking them less and perceiving them to be more arrogant than vice versa. By investigating the special case of the French-speaking and the German-speaking Swiss as linguistic groups within their own nation we were able to demonstrate that these groups seek support with the larger-linguistically-similar nation to defend themselves against the more direct in-country threat to their identity. They acknowledge the similarity with the larger nation, yet keep defending their social identity by expressing a dislike for this perceived similarity.

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This article studies alterations in the values, attitudes, and behaviors that emerged among U.S. citizens as a consequence of, and as a response to, the attacks of September 11, 2001. The study briefly examines the immediate reaction to the attack, before focusing on the collective reactions that characterized the behavior of the majority of the population between the events of 9/11 and the response to it in the form of intervention in Afghanistan. In studying this period an eight-phase sequential model (Botcharova, 2001) is used, where the initial phases center on the nation as the ingroup and the latter focus on the enemy who carried out the attack as the outgroup. The study is conducted from a psychosocial perspective and uses "social identity theory" (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986) as the basic framework for interpreting and accounting for the collective reactions recorded. The main purpose of this paper is to show that the interpretation of these collective reactions is consistent with the postulates of social identity theory. The application of this theory provides a different and specific analysis of events. The study is based on data obtained from a variety of rigorous academic studies and opinion polls conducted in relation to the events of 9/11. In line with social identity theory, 9/11 had a marked impact on the importance attached by the majority of U.S. citizens to their identity as members of a nation. This in turn accentuated group differentiation and activated ingroup favoritism and outgroup discrimination (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986). Ingroup favoritism strengthened group cohesion, feelings of solidarity, and identification with the most emblematic values of the U.S. nation, while outgroup discrimination induced U.S. citizens to conceive the enemy (al-Qaeda and its protectors) as the incarnation of evil, depersonalizing the group and venting their anger on it, and to give their backing to a military response, the eventual intervention in Afghanistan. Finally, and also in line with the postulates of social identity theory, as an alternative to the virtual bipolarization of the conflict (U.S. vs al-Qaeda), the activation of a higher level of identity in the ingroup is proposed, a group that includes the United States and the largest possible number of countries¿ including Islamic states¿in the search for a common, more legitimate and effective solution.

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Under what conditions will a bystander intervene to try to stop a violent attack by one person on another? It is generally believed that the greater the size of the crowd of bystanders, the less the chance that any of them will intervene. A complementary model is that social identity is critical as an explanatory variable. For example, when the bystander shares common social identity with the victim the probability of intervention is enhanced, other things being equal. However, it is generally not possible to study such hypotheses experimentally for practical and ethical reasons. Here we show that an experiment that depicts a violent incident at life-size in immersive virtual reality lends support to the social identity explanation. 40 male supporters of Arsenal Football Club in England were recruited for a two-factor between-groups experiment: the victim was either an Arsenal supporter or not (in-group/out-group), and looked towards the participant for help or not during the confrontation. The response variables were the numbers of verbal and physical interventions by the participant during the violent argument. The number of physical interventions had a significantly greater mean in the ingroup condition compared to the out-group. The more that participants perceived that the Victim was looking to them for help the greater the number of interventions in the in-group but not in the out-group. These results are supported by standard statistical analysis of variance, with more detailed findings obtained by a symbolic regression procedure based on genetic programming. Verbal interventions made during their experience, and analysis of post-experiment interview data suggest that in-group members were more prone to confrontational intervention compared to the out-group who were more prone to make statements to try to diffuse the situation.

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Tutkimus kuvaa tarinallisuuden kautta organisaation sisäistä muutosta organisaation toimiessa muuttuvassa toimintaympäristössä. Teoriaosan keskeisinä käsitteinä ovat sosiaalinen identiteetti organisaatiossa sekä muutosjohtaminen. Tutkimus selvittää, miten jatkuva organisatorinen ja toimintaympäristöllinen muutos vaikuttivat organisaation muutoskykyyn ja sen jäseniin, minkälaista muutosjohtamista organisaatio muutostilanteessa tarvitsee ja millaisia vaikutuksia muutoksilla oli organisaation sisällä esiintyviin sosiaalisiin identiteetteihin. Organisaatiomuutos ilmeni organisaation työntekijöissä erilaisina reaktioina: osa menetti uskonsa organisaatioon, toiset turhautuivat ja kaipasivat vahvistusta toiminnalleen ja kolmansilla työn sujuminen nousi keskiöön. Muutospaineiden keskellä organisaatiossa tarvitaan uskottavaa muutosviestintää ja johtavaa identiteettiä, johon kaikki organisaation jäsenet voivat samaistua. Tämän sosiaalisen identiteetin synnyn mahdollistaa organisaation johdon aktiivinen muutosprosessin johtaminen. Myös keskijohdon rooli johdon muutosviestin vahvistamisessa on tärkeä muutosprosessin onnistumiselle ja sisäistämiselle. Muutoksen johtamisessa on oleellista ottaa ihmisten johtaminen osaksi päivittäistä toimintaa. Organisaation jäsenten tunnepohjaisen sitouttamisen kautta saavutetaan mahdollisuus toteuttaa onnistunut muutosprosessi. Keskijohdon tehtävänä on viestiä ylimmän johdon visio työntekijätasolle uskottavasti, jotta muutokseen sitoudutaan. Muutosprosessin onnistumista tulee seurata ja tukea organisaation johdon taholta.

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Using a social identity theory approach, we theorized that recruiters might be particularly biased against skilled immigrant applicants. We refer to this phenomenon as a skill paradox, according to which immigrants are more likely to be targets of employment discrimination the more skilled they are. Furthermore, building on the common ingroup identity model, we proposed that this paradox can be resolved through human resource management (HRM) strategies that promote inclusive hiring practices (e.g., by emphasizing fit with a diverse clientele). The results from a laboratory experiment were consistent with our predictions: Local recruiters preferred skilled local applicants over skilled immigrant applicants, but only when these applicants were qualified for a specific job. This bias against qualified and skilled immigrant applicants was attenuated when fit with a diverse clientele was emphasized, but not when fit with a homogeneous clientele was emphasized or when the hiring strategy was not explained. We discuss the implications of our findings for research on employment discrimination against skilled immigrants, including the role of inclusiveness for reducing discriminatory biases.

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The study focus on the formation of the work identity among members of Lappeenranta University of Technology's Student Union.

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Tässä tutkimuksessa yhdistän tiimiyrittäjyyden, sosiaalisen identiteetin ja kollektiivisen psykologisen omistajuuden akateemisia keskusteluja. Tavoitteenani on kuvailla millaisia minä, minun, me ja meidän -diskursseja yrittäjätiimien jäsenet puhuvat kuvatessaan yrittäjyyttään. Tutkimuksen aineistona on nuorten, kasvuhakuisten yrittäjätiimien jäsenten puolistrukturoidut teemahaastattelut. Näkökulmana hyödynnän sosiaalista konstruktionismia ja analysoin aineiston diskurssianalyysillä. Tulkitsen neljä erilaista diskurssia, jotka liittyvät eri tavoin yrittäjätiimien me-identiteettiin. Ensimmäisessä diskurssissa yrittäjät puhuvat omasta roolistaan suhteessa tiimiin. Toisessa diskurssissa yrittäjät luovat oikeudenmukaisuuden ja yhteisvastuullisuuden normeja, joilla rakennetaan me-orientoitumista. Kolmannessa diskurssissa he puhuvat me-muodossa. Puheessa me on kokija, toimija, kollektiivinen psykologinen omistaja ja merkityksen antaja. Neljännessä diskurssissa me-identiteettiä rakentavat yrittäjyyden representaatiot ja toiminta. Meidän -puhetta liitetään asioihin, joihin tiiminä on yhdessä panostettu. Meidän -kokemukset näyttäytyvät puheessa voimallisena yrittäjyyden toiminnan merkityksellistämisen tapana.

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Yritysten menestystä on perinteisesti pyritty määrittelemään ulkoa käsin. Vain vähän tutkimuksia on pystynyt linkittämään sisäisiä ilmiöitä kuten organisaatiokulttuuri tai sisäinen yrittäjyys kasvuun ja suorituskykyyn. Tutkimus on laadullinen tapaustutkimus, jossa syvennyttään tarkastelemaan ICT-toimialan kasvuyritykseen yrityskulttuurin olemusta, ilmenemismuotoja sekä yrityksen arvopohjaa ja sisäisen yrittäjyyden elementtejä. Syvällisen ymmärryksen saavuttamiseksi tutkimuksen empiirinen aineisto tuotetaan aineistotriangulaatiolla hyödyntäen sekä puolistrukturoituja yksilöteemahaastatteluja (2), sosiaalisen median työkalua virtuaalikeskusteluun (170) ja ryhmähaastattelu (3). Ilmiötä tarkastellaan sosiaalisen rakentumisen näkökulmasta. Tuotetun aineiston analyysin perusteella voidaan todeta, että organisaatiossa oleva kulttuuri koetaan tärkeäksi ja siitä löytyvät toimintamallit vahvasti omaksi. Kulttuuria leimaavat yrityksen toimintaa ohjaavat filosofiat ja periaatteet, eli arvot, joita viedään organisaatioon vahvan verkostoitumisen ja vuorovaikutuksen kautta henkilöstöön. Arvot kumpuavat asiakaslähtöisyyden lisäksi. yrittäjähenkisyydestä, reiluudesta, henkilöstön hyvinvoinnista, vastuullisesta tekemisestä sekä kasvuyritysasenteesta. Ne konkretisoituvat toimintamalleihin ja –tapoihin, jotka yrityksessä mielletään omaksi, erityiseksi kulttuuriksi. Sosiaalinen identiteetti ja yhteisöllisyys ovat erittäin vahva. Henkilöt kokevat voivansa sisäisen yrittäjyyden kautta vaikuttaa yrityksen kasvutarinaan ja he kokevat organisaation mahdollisuuksien alustana, näin ollen he kokevat itsensä ja osaamisensa tarpeelliseksi yritykselle.

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This thesis examines the Midnight Express phenomenon focusing on the film's reception by audiences in Europe, North America, and Turkey between 1978-2003. Using and enhancing the "historical materialist approach" to film reception developed by Janet Staiger, the thesis considers the historical determinants of the film's nationally and culturally differential readings in different periods and of the transformations in those readings. The thesis argues that while Midnight Express was most likely read in the late 1970s as an attempt to reaffirm American social identity by projecting Turks as an instance of the negative Other, there has been an important shift in the reception of the film in the West during the 1990s due to the changes in the discursive contexts in which the film has been circulating. One does not observe any specific reference to Turkish prisons as a part of the issue of human rights violations in Turkey in the initial reception of the film by European and American critics, whereas these issues appear to be important constituents of a particular reception of the film in the West in the present. The thesis explains this shift by pointing to the constitution of a particular discourse on human rights violations in Turkey after 1980, and especially throughout the 1990s, which has become a part of the discursive repertoires of the Western audience. Therefore, the thesis argues that today, Midnight Express functions as a more legitimate political statement about Turkey in the eyes of some Western audiences than it had been in the 1970s. On the other hand, parallel to the increasing desire of Turkey to connect itself to the West, particularly to become a member of the European Union, one observes an immense increase in the belief in and defense against the negative effects of Midnight Express on Turkey's international representation since the 1990s. The historical and current discourses that audiences, both in Turkey and abroad, bring into play suggest that these audiences engage with Midnight Express by assuming or denying not only the subject positions constructed by the film text but also certain history-specific extra-filmic subject positions produced by other social and discursive formations.