984 resultados para pro-choice movement
Resumo:
This thesis addresses the impacts of public policies on outward foreign direct investment, seeking to contribute to a better understanding of the interplay between pro-internationalisation policies and firm behaviour. Home country measures associated with these policies are explored in terms of use and awareness, as determinants of foreign direct investment, as drivers of policy objectives, in terms of perceived importance and impact in different scenarios of internationalisation. Using a comprehensive database of 441 Portuguese firms, being those that had participated at least in one of the 11 types of public support between 1994 and 2009. The empirical papers presented here reveal a moderating effect of firm capabilities and internationalisation conditions on policy objectives. In fact, firms’ resources and capabilities frame the awareness and use of home country support measures, the existence of public policy determinants of foreign direct investment, the decision to carry out more aggressive modes of entry and the choice of more demanding environments, the impact of policy objectives, and the perceived importance of incentives. In practical terms, the findings of this thesis points that firms’ resources and capabilities are negatively associated with the use of public support, contrasting with awareness, which is found to increase with firms’ resources and capabilities. This insight sheds light on a potential problem of incentives allocation. Our results support the established theorizing about the co-evolution of government and firms' policies, home country measures being found as determinants of foreign direct investment. It is also shown that prointernationalization policies reinforce the firms’ resources and capabilities, which seems to have a positive impact on international growth. An evaluation of public policy, from the foreign direct investor's lens, supports the argument that firms involved in more demanding projects tend to attribute more importance to public supports. Behind the specific and concrete contributions identified in each of the empirical papers, as a whole this thesis makes methodological contributions by introducing the evaluation of impacts of public policies to the field of international business through the firm perspective; these contributions are achieved by taking the pro-internationalisation policies of a small open economy to better understand the impacts of public policies, and by shedding light on co-evolution between resource and institutional-based views.
Resumo:
This article examines the politics of place in relation to legal mobilization by the anti-nuclear movement. It examines two case examples - citizens' weapons inspections and civil disobedience strategies - which have involved the movement drawing upon the law in particular spatial contexts. The article begins by examining a number of factors which have been employed in recent social movement literature to explain strategy choice, including ideology, resources, political and legal opportunity, and framing. It then proceeds to argue that the issues of scale, space, and place play an important role in relation to framing by the movement in the two case examples. Both can be seen to involve scalar reframing, with the movement attempting to resist localizing tendencies and to replace them with a global frame. Both also involve an attempt to reframe the issue of nuclear weapons away from the contested frame of the past (unilateral disarmament) towards the more universal and widely accepted frame of international law.
Resumo:
We hypothesise that differences in people's attitudes and personality traits lead them to attribute varying importance to environmental considerations, safety, comfort, convenience and flexibility. Differences in personality traits call be revealed not only in the individuals' choice of transport, but also in other actions of their everyday lives-such as how much they recycle, whether they take precautions or avoid dangerous pursuits. Conditioning on a set of exogenous individual characteristics, we use indicators of attitudes and personality traits to form latent variables for inclusion in an, otherwise standard, discrete mode choice model. With a sample of Swedish commuters, we find that both attitudes towards flexibility and comfort, as well as being pro-environmentally inclined, influence the individual's choice of mode. Although modal time and cost still are important, it follows that there are other ways, apart from economic incentives, to attract individuals to the, from society's perspective, desirable public modes of transport. Our results should provide useful information to policy-makers and transportation planners developing sustainable transportation systems.
Resumo:
Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
Resumo:
Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
Resumo:
Spodoptera frugiperda J.E. Smith (fall armyworm) is considered one of the most destructive pests of corn throughout the Americas. Although this pest has been extensively studied, little is known about its larval movement and feeding behavior on reproductive compared to vegetative corn stages. Thus, we conducted studies with two corn stages (R1 and R3) and four corn plant zones (tassel, above ear, ear zone, and below ear) in the field at Concord, NE (USA), and in the field and greenhouse at Botucatu, SP (Brazil), to investigate on-plant larval movement. The effects of different corn tissues (opened tassel, closed tassel, silk, kernel, and leaf), two feeding sequence scenarios (closed tassel-leaf-silk-kernel and leaf-silk-kernel), and artificial diet (positive control) on larval survival and development were also evaluated in the laboratory. Ear zone has a strong effect on feeding choice and survival of fall armyworm larvae regardless of reproductive corn stage. Feeding site choice is made by first-instar. Corn leaves of reproductive plants were not suitable for early instar development, but silk and kernel tissues had a positive effect on survival and development of fall armyworm larvae on reproductive stage corn.
Resumo:
Copper complexes with fluorinated beta-diketones were synthesized and characterized in terms of lipophilicity and peroxide-assisted oxidation of dihydrorhodamine as an indicator of redox activity. The biological activity of the complexes was tested against promastigotes of Leishmania amazonensis. Inhibition of trypanosomatid-specific trypanothione reductase was also tested. It was found that the highly lipophilic and redox-active bis(trifluoroacetylacetonate) derivative had increased toxicity towards promastigotes. These results indicate that it is possible to modulate the activity of metallodrugs based on redox-active metals through the appropriate choice of lipophilic chelators in order to design new antileishmanials. Further work will be necessary to improve selectivity of these compounds against the parasite.
Resumo:
in the everyday clinical practice. Having this in mind, the choice of a simple setup would not be enough because, even if the setup is quick and simple, the instrumental assessment would still be in addition to the daily routine. The will to overcome this limit has led to the idea of instrumenting already existing and widely used functional tests. In this way the sensor based assessment becomes an integral part of the clinical assessment. Reliable and validated signal processing methods have been successfully implemented in Personal Health Systems based on smartphone technology. At the end of this research project there is evidence that such solution can really and easily used in clinical practice in both supervised and unsupervised settings. Smartphone based solution, together or in place of dedicated wearable sensing units, can truly become a pervasive and low-cost means for providing suitable testing solutions for quantitative movement analysis with a clear clinical value, ultimately providing enhanced balance and mobility support to an aging population.
Resumo:
Under President Ronald Reagan, the White House pursued a complex foreign policy towards the Contras, rebels in trying to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, in Nicaragua. In 1979, the leftist Sandinista government seized power in Nicaragua. The loss of the previous pro-United States Somoza military dictatorship deeply troubled the conservatives, for whom eradication of communism internationally was a top foreign policy goal. Consequently, the Reagan Administration sought to redress the policy of his predecessor, Jimmy Carter, and assume a hard line stance against leftist regimes in Central America. Reagan and the conservatives within his administration, therefore, supported the Contra through military arms, humanitarian aid, and financial contributions. This intervention in Nicaragua, however, failed to garner popular support from American citizens and Democrats. Consequently, between 1982 and 1984 Congress prohibited further funding to the Contras in a series of legislation called the Boland Amendments. These Amendments barred any military aid from reaching the Contras, including through intelligence agencies. Shortly after their passage, Central Intelligence Agency Director William Casey and influential members of Reagan¿s National Security Council (NSC) including National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane, NSC Aide Oliver North, and Deputy National Security Advisor John Poindexter cooperated to identify and exploit loopholes in the legislation. By recognizing the NSC as a non-intelligence body, these masterminds orchestrated a scheme in which third parties, including foreign countries and private donors, contributed both financially and through arms donations to sustain the Contras independently of Congressional oversight. This thesis explores the mechanism and process of soliciting donations from private individuals, recognizing the forces and actors that created a situation for covert action to continue without detection. Oliver North, the main actor of the state, worked within his role as an NSC bureaucrat to network with influential politicians and private individuals to execute the orders of his superiors and shape foreign policy. Although Reagan articulated his desire for the Contras to remain a military presence in Nicaragua, he delegated the details of policy to his subordinates, which allowed this scheme to flourish. Second, this thesis explores the individual donors, analyzing their role as private citizens in sustaining and encouraging the policy of the Reagan Administration. The Contra movement found non-state support from followers of the New Right, demonstrated through financial and organizational assistance, that allowed the Reagan Administration¿s statistically unpopular policy in Nicaragua to continue. I interpret these donors as politically involved, but politically philanthropic, individuals, donating to their charity of choice to further the principles of American freedom internationally in a Cold War environment. The thesis then proceeds to assess the balance of power between the executive and other political actors in shaping policy, concluding that the executive cannot act alone in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy.
Resumo:
Currently, social work is witnessing a quite polarized debate about what should be the basis for good practice. Simply stated, the different attempts to define the required basis for effective and accountable interventions in social work practice can be grouped in two paradigmatic positions, which seem to be in strong opposition to each other. On the one hand the highly influential evidence based practice movement highlights the necessity to base practice interventions on proven effectiveness from empirical research. Despite some variations, such as between narrow conceptions of evidence based practice (see e.g. McNeece/Thyer, 2004) and broader approaches to it (see e.g. Gambrill, 1999, 2001, 2008), the evidence based practice movement embodies a positivist orientation and more explicitly scientific aspirations of social work by using positivistic empirical strategies. Critics of the evidence based practice movement argue that its narrow epistemological assumptions are not appropriate for the understanding of social phenomena and that evidence based guidelines to practice are insufficient to deal with the extremely complex activities social work practice requires in different and always somewhat unique practice situations (Webb, 2001; Gray & Mc Donald, 2006; Otto, Polutta &Ziegler, 2009). Furthermore critics of evidence based practice argue that it privileges an uncritical and a-political positivism which seems highly problematic in the current climate of welfare state reforms, in which the question ‘what works’ is highly politicized and the legitimacy of professional social work practice is being challenged maybe more than ever before (Kessl, 2009). Both opponents and proponents of evidence based practice argue on the epistemological, the methodological and the ethical level to sustain their point of view and raise fundamental questions about the real nature of social work practice, so that one could get the impression that social work is really at the crossroads between two very different conceptions of social work practice and its further professional development (Stepney, 2009). However, this article is not going to merely rehearse the pro and contra of different positions that are being invoked in the debate about evidence based practice. Instead it aims to go further by identifying the dilemmas underlying these positions which - so it is argued – re-emerge in the debate about evidence based practice, but which are older than this debate. They concern the fundamental ambivalence modern professionalization processes in social work were subjected to from their very beginnings.
Resumo:
Reduced glutathione (GSH) protects cells against injury by oxidative stress and maintains a range of vital functions. In vitro cell cultures have been used as experimental models to study the role of GSH in chemical toxicity in mammals; however, this approach has been rarely used with fish cells to date. The present study aimed to evaluate sensitivity and specificity of three fluorescent dyes for measuring pro-oxidant-induced changes of GSH contents in fish cell lines: monochlorobimane (mBCl), 5-chloromethylfluorescein diacetate (CMFDA) and 7-amino-4-chloromethylcoumarin (CMAC-blue). Two cell lines were studied, the EPC line established from a skin tumour of carp Cyprinus carpio, and BF-2 cells established from fins of bluegill sunfish Lepomis macrochirus. The cells were exposed for 6 and 24 h to low cytotoxic concentrations of pro-oxidants including hydrogen peroxide, paraquat (PQ), copper and the GSH synthesis inhibitor, L-buthionine-SR-sulfoximine (BSO). The results indicate moderate differences in the GSH response between EPC and BF-2 cells, but distinct differences in the magnitude of the GSH response for the four pro-oxidants. Further, the choice of GSH dye can critically affect the results, with CMFDA appearing to be less specific for GSH than mBCl and CMAC-blue.
Resumo:
Fragestellung/Einleitung: Es ist unklar inwiefern Unterschiede bestehen im Einsatz von Key Feature Problemen (KFP) mit Long Menu Fragen und fallbasierten Typ A Fragen (FTA) für die Überprüfung des klinischen Denkens (Clinical Reasoning) in der klinischen Ausbildung von Medizinstudierenden. Methoden: Medizinstudierende des fünften Studienjahres nahmen an ihrer klinischen Pädiatrie-Rotation teil, die mit einer summativen Prüfung endete. Die Überprüfung des Wissen wurde pro Prüfung elektronisch mit 6-9 KFP [1], [3], 9-20 FTA und 9-28 nichtfallbasierten Multiple Choice Fragen (NFTA) durchgeführt. Jedes KFP bestand aus einer Fallvignette und drei Key Features und nutzen ein sog. Long Menu [4] als Antwortformat. Wir untersuchten die Perzeption der KFP und FTA in Focus Gruppen [2] (n of students=39). Weiterhin wurden die statistischen Kennwerte der KFP und FTA von 11 Prüfungen (n of students=377) verglichen. Ergebnisse: Die Analyse der Fokusgruppen resultierte in vier Themen, die die Perzeption der KFP und deren Vergleich mit FTA darstellten: KFP wurden als 1. realistischer, 2. schwerer, und 3. motivierender für das intensive Selbststudium des klinischen Denkens als FTA aufgenommen und zeigten 4. insgesamt eine gute Akzeptanz sofern gewisse Voraussetzungen berücksichtigt werden. Die statistische Auswertung zeigte keinen Unterschied im Schwierigkeitsgrad; jedoch zeigten die KFP eine höhere Diskrimination und Reliabilität (G-coefficient) selbst wenn für die Prüfungszeit korrigiert wurde. Die Korrelation der verschiedenen Prüfungsteile war mittel. Diskussion/Schlussfolgerung: Die Studierenden erfuhren die KFP als motivierenden für das Selbststudium des klinischen Denkens. Statistisch zeigten die KFP eine grössere Diskrimination und höhere Relibilität als die FTA. Der Einbezug von KFP mit Long Menu in Prüfungen des klinischen Studienabschnitts erscheint vielversprechend und einen „educational effect“ zu haben.
Resumo:
本稿は、後発開発途上国においてpro-poor growthを達成する開発戦略を、産業政策との関連から研究したものである。アジアとアフリカの経済発展プロセスにおいて、貧困層にどの産業が雇用機会を提供するか、を研究した。その結果明らかになったのは、1970-90年代の典型的な東アジア高成長経済であるタイと台湾において、貧困層に最も大きな雇用機会を与えたのが農業部門であったのに対して、貧困層の雇用機会増に最も貢献したのが製造業部門であったということである。同様の傾向は、アフリカの輸出指向成長国であるモーリシャスについても観察された。一方、グローバリゼーションの活力が十分に生かされなかったマラウィ、南アフリカ、インドにおいては、製造業が同様の雇用機会を貧困層に提供できなかった。結論として導かれるのは、典型的な後発発展途上国においては、雇用に関して農業のシェアが製造業のシェアを上回るのが一般的であるものの、もし比較優位がグローバリゼーションの中で顕在化できるのであれば、貧困層の雇用機会増に関して、農業よりも製造業の貢献度が大きくなりうる、ということである。一国全体の経済発展という観点のみならず、貧困層に利益をもたらすpro-poor growthという文脈においても、製造業の果たす役割が無視し得ないことが明らかになった。
Resumo:
Finding that the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) currently lacks a strategic vision that would offer states in the southern Mediterranean substantial returns in exchange for making tough reforms, this CEPS Commentary suggests that this weakness can be overcome through a concrete prospect of regional integration pro-actively driven forward by the European Union. Taking inspiration from current projects such as the Energy Community Treaty, the authors urge the EU to explicitly incorporate “legally binding sectoral multilateralism” into the ENP. This would provide the Union’s partners with a tangible prospect of reaping real long-term benefits from EU cooperation and reinvigorate the ENP for the next decade.
Resumo:
Investigating the recent direct action campaigns against genetically modified crops in France and the United Kingdom, the authors set out to understand how contrasting judicial systems and cultures affect the way that activists choose to commit ostensibly illegal actions and how they negotiate the trade-offs between effectiveness and public accountability. The authors find evidence that prosecution outcomes across different judicial systems are consistent and relatively predictable and consequently argue that the concept of a “judicial opportunity structure” is useful for developing scholars’ understanding of social movement trajectories. The authors also find that these differential judicial opportunities cannot adequately account for the tactical choices made by activists with respect to the staging of covert or overt direct action; rather, explanations of tactical choice are better accounted for by movement ideas, cultures, and traditions.