206 resultados para perpetrators


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One routine “common sense” means of explaining sexual violence is the ideologically facilitated tendency to blame the victim, and previous research has identified patterns of victim-blaming in the talk of perpetrators of rape, and also in that of the professionals who deal with rape in their day-to-day work. This article focuses on the discursive resources drawn on in police interviews by rape victims themselves as they attempt to account for their own behaviour in relation to the attack. It identifies and describes points within interviewees’ talk where they produce “accounts” (Potter and Wetherell, 1987), and considers what these tell us about the participants’ shared understanding of what is relevant to the on-going talk. Occasions when there is evidence of a mis-match in the understanding of the participants will also be discussed. The analyses illustrate that for the accounts of interviewees to be heard as relevant, a number of prevalent and problematic themes of victim-blaming must be assumed. Interviewees anticipate and pre-empt implications that various aspects of their own behaviour contributed to their attack, and interviewers vary in the level of skill they display at negotiating these shared understandings.

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This study examined the motivating factors for perpetrators of antigay harassment and violence among 752 college freshmen. Large numbers of lesbians, gay men and bisexuals (LGB) are victimized solely because of their sexual orientation. The physical and psychological harm suffered by many of these individuals is alarming. In particular, victimization at school is correlated with a variety of other health risks for LGB students. In order for prevention efforts to be effectively tailored, it may be helpful for researchers to first identify what motivates the assailants. This study tested variables capturing demographic, psychosocial, and attitudinal factors. This purposive sample was selected because these students represent the age group most likely to become perpetrators. The findings suggest that harassment of gay people is common and, in many cases, not motivated by particularly negative attitudes toward homosexuals. Instead, LGB individuals may be viewed as a socially acceptable target by others to harass out of boredom, anger at someone else, or in an attempt to assert their own threatened heterosexuality. Social norms, along with the variety and weakness of individual predictors for antigay harassment, further suggest that heterosexism is endemic and pervasive in our society. Physical attacks against homosexuals, although less common, represent a more serious problem for the victims. This study discovered that there were some leading predictors for these assaults, namely, being male, having been maltreated, being a heavy social drinker, and having defensive, antigay attitudes. The implications of these findings and imperatives for social workers are discussed.

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Brazil’s growing status as a potential world power cannot obscure the characteristics of its other reality: that of a country with vast inequalities and high crime rates. The Comando Vermelho, the most prominent organized crime syndicate in Rio de Janeiro, besieges the beauty and charm that attracts tourists to this city. The CV arose not only as a product of the political dictatorship of the seventies, but also of the disenfranchised urban poor crammed into Rio’s favela slums. Today, the CV presents a powerful challenge to the State’s control of parts of Rio territory. As Brazil’s soft power projection grows, it is seriously challenged by its capacity to eliminate organized crime. Economic growth is not sufficient to destroy a deeply embedded organization like the CV. In fact, Brazil’s success may yet further retrench the CV’s activities. Culpability for organized crime cannot be merely limited to the gangs, but must also be shared among the willing consumers, among whom can be found educated and elite members of society, as well as the impoverished and desperate. The Brazilian government needs a top-down response addressing the schism between rich and poor. However, Brazil’s citizens must also take responsibility and forge a bottom-up response to the drug- and corruption-riddled elements of its most respected members of society. Brazil must target reform across public health, housing, education and above all, law enforcement. Without such changes, Brazil will remain a two-track democracy. Rio’s wealthy will still be able to revel in the city’s beauty albeit from behind armored cars and fortified mansions, while the city’s poor will yield – either as victims or perpetrators – to the desperate measures of organized crime.

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Intimate partner violence (IPV) is recognized as a serious, growing problem on college campuses. IPV rates among college students exceed estimates reported for the general population. Few studies have examined the impact of IPV among the Hispanic college student (HCS) population or explored how HCSs perceive and experience IPV. Focusing on young adults (ages 18 to 25 years), this mixed methods study was designed to explore the perceptions and experiences of IPV focusing on levels of victimization and perpetration in relation to gender role attitudes and beliefs, exposure to parental IPV, acculturation, and religiosity. A sample of 120 HCSs was recruited from two south Florida universities. A subsample of 20 participants was randomly selected to provide qualitative responses. All participants completed a series of questionnaires including a demographic survey, the FPB, CTS2-CA, SASH, ERS and CTS2. Bivariate correlational techniques and multiple regressions were used to analyze data. Marked discrepancy between participants' perceived experience of IPV (N = 120) and their CTS2 responses (n = 116, 96.7%). Only 5% of the participants saw themselves as victims or perpetrators of IPV, yet 66% were victims or 67% were perpetrators of verbal aggression; and 31% were victims or 32.5% were perpetrators of sexual coercion based on their CTS2 scores. Qualitative responses elicited from the subsample of 20 students provided some insight regarding this disparity. There was rejection of traditional stratified gender roles. Few participants indicated that they were religious (20.8%, n = 25). Evidence for the theory of intergenerational transmission of violence was noted. Recall of parental IPV was a significant predictor of level of IPV victimization (β = 0.177, SE = 0.85, p = 0.041). Nursing and social service providers must be cognizant that contributing factors to either victimization and/or perpetration of IPV among college students must be addressed first (i.e., perceptions of IPV), both in acute (i.e., emergency department) and community (i.e., college and university) settings for optimum intervention outcome.

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The objective of this study was to investigate the assistance for the female adolescents perpetrators of offences in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. Through the Thematic Oral History and Documentary Analysis methods, we sought to uncover historical aspects of the work provided in women’s units of the Fundação dos Direitos das Crianças e Adolescentes (FUNDAC) [Foundation for the Rights of Children and Adolescents], from the experiences of professionals who have worked in these units since the beginning of their activities. For this, we made visits to FUNDAC and the Centro Educacional Padre João Maria (CEDUC) [Educational Center Father João Maria], to identify professionals who could participate in the study, as well as institutional documents on routine of treatment. Eight professionals were found from three identified units: Granja Santana, Instituto Padre João Maria and CEDUC, who were interviewed according to a semi-structured script. The analysis of the collected material is supported in Marxian theory and feminist perspective on the sexual division of labor. The results are organized into five areas of analysis: (1) the creation of the service units; (2) the deviant “behavior”: reasons for institutionalization of female adolescents; (3) educational proposal: a female version; service strategies and; the rules and punishment: the domesticated teenage girl. The study indicates that the commission of the offense by the female adolescents in state of Rio Grande do Norte (RN) has been associated with the conduct of their families, particularly their mothers. Moreover, in general, service strategies, educational proposals, disciplinary measures were and have been developed based on the naturalization of what is female. Therefore, the assistance to adolescent girls in RN, those thirty-five years, left intact the existing hierarchy in social relations between the sexes, it reproduced the subordination of female adolescents in the juvenile justice system.

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Cette thèse a pour objet de comprendre la question du mariage forcé vécu par des femmes immigrantes vivant au Québec et, les réponses politiques, législatives et sociales qu’on y apporte. De façon plus spécifique, il s’agit de mettre à jour la diversité des situations et des significations que recouvre la notion de mariage forcé pour tenter d’en dégager des éléments de définition et de compréhension. La thèse vise également à identifier les conséquences spécifiques qui découlent d’un mariage forcé pour les femmes immigrantes vivant au Québec, et enfin, d’analyser les réponses politiques, législatives et sociales visant le mariage forcé au Canada et au Québec afin de prévenir, dépister et d’en protéger ses victimes en contexte interculturel. S’appuyant sur un corpus de dix entrevues avec des femmes immigrantes vivant, ayant vécu ou menacées d’un mariage forcé et de dix-huit informateurs clés intervenant auprès d’elles et provenant de différents milieux de pratique (police, justice, santé services sociaux et communautaires), une analyse intersectionnelle a permis de révéler toute la complexité des mariages forcés due notamment aux interrelations entre des systèmes d’oppression et des vulnérabilités multiples. La recension des écrits et nos résultats indiquent que certains éléments caractérisent les mariages forcés. Premièrement, la préservation de l’honneur patriarcal qui problématise et contrôle le comportement des femmes en ce qui à trait notamment à leur vie sexuelle, mais aussi sociale. Deuxièmement, le fait que le mariage forcé soit un moyen de poursuivre des intérêts plus souvent collectifs qu’individuels. Dimension collective qui devra nécessairement être prise en considération lors des solutions à apporter à cette problématique. Troisièmement, le rôle des femmes (mères, belles-mères et autres femmes de la communauté culturelle d’appartenance) dans l’arrangement des mariages, mais également dans la surveillance et le contrôle de tous les faits et gestes des autres femmes. i Quatrièmement, le potentiel d’agresseurs multiples, y compris la communauté elle-même, dans les actes de violence commis avant, pendant et, le cas échéant, après le mariage. Une autre dimension qui devra elle aussi être prise en compte lors de l’inter- vention. Cinquièmement, le potentiel d’exploitation sexuelle (viol conjugal, grossesses forcées), physique (mauvais traitements, blessures), psychologique (pressions, manipulations) ou encore économique (travail forcé, privation d’autonomie financière). L’ensemble de ces résultats a permis de cerner certains besoins liés à l’intervention, en terme de prévention, de dépistage et de protection des victimes de mariage forcé.

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This article explores three national and local journalists’ experiences of reporting on child sexual exploitation by so-called “Asian street grooming gangs” in UK towns and cities, with a particular emphasis on journalists framing journalists. In response to coverage of a series of cases, journalists have been accused by academics, policymakers and rival media organizations of fixating on perpetrators’ ethnicity and creating distorted, racist media frames. Few, if any, studies have garnered practitioners’ perspectives on how framing occurs, so we interview three prominent journalists who have covered such cases in order to deepen our understanding of the processes and causative factors behind particular editorial angles. While offering only a snapshot view, our findings reveal these individual journalists to be caught at the nexus of a range of factors that impact upon their work, both internally and externally driven.

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Objectivos: O presente estudo tem como principal objectivo avaliar a prevalência dos comportamentos de cyberbullying, analisando a influência de variáveis sóciodemográficas, e, compreender a sua relação com as vivências de vergonha interna e externa e com os estados emocionais negativos, particularmente a depressão, a ansiedade e o stress. Método: Para a recolha de dados recorreu-se a uma mostra de adolescentes (N=131) a frequentar o 3º ciclo do ensino básico, com idades compreendidas entre os 12 e os 18 anos (M= 13,76; DP= 1,25). O protocolo de avaliação foi constituído por um questionário psicossocial desenvolvido especificamente para este estudo e por um conjunto de medidas fidedignas para avaliar o cyberbullying (CBQ e CBQ-V), a vergonha interna (ISS), vergonha externa (OAS) e os estados emocionais negativos (DASS-21). Resultados: Os nossos dados revelaram que 76 adolescentes (58%) exerceram um qualquer comportamento de cyberbullying (com um predomínio dos rapazes), enquanto 50 adolescentes (38,2%) já foram vítimas de um qualquer comportamento de cyberbullying (com igual proporção entre rapazes e raparigas). Manter lutas e discussões online, usando insultos mediante mensagens electrónicas foi o comportamento praticado mais frequente (30,5%), enquanto o ser removido intencionalmente de um grupo online foi o comportamento sofrido mais frequente (16,1%). A idade e os anos de reprovações mostraram uma associação positiva com os comportamentos de agressão por cyberbullying. Foi ainda analisada a sobreposição entre a execução e a vitimização de comportamentos de cyberbullying, tendo sido discriminados quatro grupos de adolescentes: só agressores (adolescentes que apenas exerceram comportamentos de agressão), só vítimas (apenas sofreram comportamentos de cyberbulling), vítimas e agressores (adolescentes que são simultaneamente agressores e vítimas), e nem vítimas nem agressores (adolescentes que não exerceram nem sofreram qualquer comportamento de cyberbullying). Os resultados evidenciaram que quanto maior a frequência de comportamentos de agressão por cyberbullying, maior a vergonha interna e maior os níveis de stress demonstrados. Por sua vez, quanto maior a frequência de vitimização por cyberbullying, maior a vergonha interna e externa, bem como maior os níveis de ansiedade e stress. Conclusão: Devido a complexidade do fenómeno cyberbullying e seu recente surgimento, serão necessários mais estudos, particularmente longitudinais, para compreender a relação antecedente e/ou consequentes aos comportamentos de cyberbullying entre estados emocionais negativos e as experiências de vergonha. / Objectives: The present study has as main objective to assess the prevalence of cyberbullying behaviours, analyzing the influence of socio demographic variables, and, understand its relationship to the experiences of internal and external shame and negative emotional states, particularly depression, anxiety and stress. Method: For data collection we used a sample of adolescents (N=131) attending the 3rd cycle of basic education, aged between 12 and 18 years (M=13,76; SD=1,25). The evaluation protocol consisted of a psychosocial questionnaire developed specifically for this study and a set of reliable measure to assess cyberbullying (CBQ and CBQ-V), internal shame (ISS), external shame (OAS) and the emotional states negative (DASS-21). Results: Our data indicate that 76 adolescents (58%) exerted any conduct of a cyberbullying (with a predominance of boys), while 50 adolescents (38,2%) had been victims of cyberbullying behaviour of any one (with an equal ratio of boys and girls). Keep fighting and discussions online, through e-mails using insults behaviour was practiced more often (30,5%), while being intentionally removed a group of online behaviour is seen more frequently (16,1%). The age and years of failures were positively associated with the behaviours of aggression by cyberbullying. Was further examined the overlap between enforcement and victimization of cyberbullying behaviours, having been discriminated four groups of adolescents: only aggressors (adolescents who have had only aggressive behaviour), only victims (only suffered cyberbullying behaviours), victims and aggressors (adolescents who are both perpetrators and victims), and neither victims nor aggressors (adolescents who did not exercise any behaviour or suffered cyberbullying). Results showed that the higher the frequency of aggression by cyberbullying behaviour, the greater shame and internal stress levels demonstrated. In turn, the higher the frequency of cyberbullying victimization, the greater the shame internal and external, as well as higher levels of anxiety and stress. Conclusion: Due to the complexity of the phenomenon cyberbullying and its recent emergence, further studies are needed, particularly longitudinal, to understand the relationship between antecedent and/or consequential to cyberbullying behaviours between negative emotional states and experiences of shame.

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There is a rich history of social science research centering on racial inequalities that continue to be observed across various markets (e.g., labor, housing, and credit markets) and social milieus. Existing research on racial discrimination in consumer markets, however, is relatively scarce and that which has been done has disproportionately focused on consumers as the victims of race-based mistreatment. As such, we know relatively little about how consumers contribute to inequalities in their roles as perpetrators of racial discrimination. In response, in this paper we elaborate on a line of research that is only in its’ infancy stages of development and yet is ripe with opportunities to advance the literature on consumer racial discrimination and racial earnings inequities among tip dependent employees in the United States. Specifically, we analyze data derived from a large exit survey of restaurant consumers (n=378) in an attempt to replicate, extend, and further explore the recently documented effect of service providers’ race on restaurant consumers’ tipping decisions. Our results indicate that both White and Black restaurant customers discriminate against Black servers by tipping them less than their White coworkers. Importantly, we find no evidence that this Black tip penalty is the result of interracial differences in service skills possessed by Black and White servers. We conclude by delineating directions for future research in this neglected but salient area study.

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Abstract The Coalition Government's new Transforming Rehabilitation (TR) agenda jeopardises the work undertaken with perpetrators of domestic abuse by highly skilled, qualified probation staff. Under new changes outlined by Grayling, Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice, probation clients who are assessed as posing a medium/low risk of causing harm will be assigned to private sector/voluntary organisations rather than come under the remit of the National Probation Service. This article argues that victims of domestic abuse, primarily women and children, will be placed at an increased risk of harm given this latest TR strategy. The majority of domestic abuse cases will be assessed as posing a medium risk of causing harm and will receive lower levels of intervention by a variety of disparate agencies and organisations. The Ministry of Justice states that the National Probation Service will directly manage offenders who pose a high risk of serious harm to the public, this article will argue that all perpetrators of domestic abuse should be considered as an important exception to this stance, and should remain under the auspices of Probation supervision, irrespective of statistical risk assessment, as has sex offender case management and sex offender treatment programme delivery.

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This paper discusses the large-scale group project undertaken by BSc Hons Digital Forensics students at Abertay University in their penultimate year. The philosophy of the project is to expose students to the full digital crime "life cycle", from commission through investigation, preparation of formal court report and finally, to prosecution in court. In addition, the project is novel in two aspects; the "crimes" are committed by students, and the moot court proceedings, where students appear as expert witnesses for the prosecution, are led by law students acting as counsels for the prosecution and defence. To support students, assessments are staged across both semesters with staff feedback provided at critical points. Feedback from students is very positive, highlighting particularly the experience of engaging with the law students and culminating in the realistic moot court, including a challenging cross-examination. Students also commented on the usefulness of the final debrief, where the whole process and the student experience is discussed in an informal plenary meeting between DF students and staff, providing an opportunity for the perpetrators and investigators to discuss details of the "crimes", and enabling all groups to learn from all crimes and investigations. We conclude with a reflection on the challenges encountered and a discussion of planned changes.

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El artículo aborda el dilema de la justicia transicional desde la perspectiva del derecho constitucional vigente en Colombia. El propósito es presentar cómo dicho marco constitucional puede responder a la aplicación de la justicia transicional, en especial en relación con el problema de la responsabilidad penal de quienes cometieron atrocidades durante el conflicto armado, dentro de un proceso de diálogo y negociación. En otras palabras, el presente escrito está enfocado en presentar cuáles son los mecanismos previstos en la Constitución colombiana para resolver la tensión generada entre el derecho a la paz y a la justicia en un proceso transicional, cómo deben ser interpretados y cuáles son las implicaciones de sus usos.

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Cette thèse a pour objet de comprendre la question du mariage forcé vécu par des femmes immigrantes vivant au Québec et, les réponses politiques, législatives et sociales qu’on y apporte. De façon plus spécifique, il s’agit de mettre à jour la diversité des situations et des significations que recouvre la notion de mariage forcé pour tenter d’en dégager des éléments de définition et de compréhension. La thèse vise également à identifier les conséquences spécifiques qui découlent d’un mariage forcé pour les femmes immigrantes vivant au Québec, et enfin, d’analyser les réponses politiques, législatives et sociales visant le mariage forcé au Canada et au Québec afin de prévenir, dépister et d’en protéger ses victimes en contexte interculturel. S’appuyant sur un corpus de dix entrevues avec des femmes immigrantes vivant, ayant vécu ou menacées d’un mariage forcé et de dix-huit informateurs clés intervenant auprès d’elles et provenant de différents milieux de pratique (police, justice, santé services sociaux et communautaires), une analyse intersectionnelle a permis de révéler toute la complexité des mariages forcés due notamment aux interrelations entre des systèmes d’oppression et des vulnérabilités multiples. La recension des écrits et nos résultats indiquent que certains éléments caractérisent les mariages forcés. Premièrement, la préservation de l’honneur patriarcal qui problématise et contrôle le comportement des femmes en ce qui à trait notamment à leur vie sexuelle, mais aussi sociale. Deuxièmement, le fait que le mariage forcé soit un moyen de poursuivre des intérêts plus souvent collectifs qu’individuels. Dimension collective qui devra nécessairement être prise en considération lors des solutions à apporter à cette problématique. Troisièmement, le rôle des femmes (mères, belles-mères et autres femmes de la communauté culturelle d’appartenance) dans l’arrangement des mariages, mais également dans la surveillance et le contrôle de tous les faits et gestes des autres femmes. i Quatrièmement, le potentiel d’agresseurs multiples, y compris la communauté elle-même, dans les actes de violence commis avant, pendant et, le cas échéant, après le mariage. Une autre dimension qui devra elle aussi être prise en compte lors de l’inter- vention. Cinquièmement, le potentiel d’exploitation sexuelle (viol conjugal, grossesses forcées), physique (mauvais traitements, blessures), psychologique (pressions, manipulations) ou encore économique (travail forcé, privation d’autonomie financière). L’ensemble de ces résultats a permis de cerner certains besoins liés à l’intervention, en terme de prévention, de dépistage et de protection des victimes de mariage forcé.

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This thesis examines the manufacture, use, exchange (including gift exchange), collecting and commodification of German medals and badges from the early 18th century until the present-day, with particular attention being given to the symbols that were deployed by the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) between 1919 and 1945. It does so by focusing in particular on the construction of value through insignia, and how such badges and their symbolic and monetary value changed over time. In order to achieve this, the thesis adopts a chronological structure, which encompasses the creation of Prussia in 1701, the Napoleonic wars and the increased democratisation of military awards such as the Iron Cross during the Great War. The collapse of the Kaiserreich in 1918 was the major factor that led to the creation of the NSDAP under the eventual strangle-hold of Hitler, a fundamentally racist and anti-Semitic movement that continued the German tradition of awarding and wearing badges. The traditional symbols of Imperial Germany, such as the eagle, were then infused with the swastika, an emblem that was meant to signify anti-Semitism, thus creating a hybrid identity. This combination was then replicated en-masse, and eventually eclipsed all the symbols that had possessed symbolic significance in Germany’s past. After Hitler was appointed Chancellor in 1933, millions of medals and badges were produced in an effort to create a racially based “People’s Community”, but the steel and iron that were required for munitions eventually led to substitute materials being utilised and developed in order to manufacture millions of politically oriented badges. The Second World War unleashed Nazi terror across Europe, and the conscripts and volunteers who took part in this fight for living-space were rewarded with medals that were modelled on those that had been instituted during Imperial times. The colonial conquest and occupation of the East by the Wehrmacht, the Order Police and the Waffen-SS surpassed the brutality of former wars that finally culminated in the Holocaust, and some of these horrific crimes and the perpetrators of them were perversely rewarded with medals and badges. Despite Nazism being thoroughly discredited, many of the Allied soldiers who occupied Germany took part in the age-old practice of obtaining trophies of war, which reconfigured the meaning of Nazi badges as souvenirs, and began the process of their increased commodification on an emerging secondary collectors’ market. In order to analyse the dynamics of this market, a “basket” of badges is examined that enables a discussion of the role that aesthetics, scarcity and authenticity have in determining the price of the artefacts. In summary, this thesis demonstrates how the symbolic, socio-economic and exchange value of German military and political medals and badges has changed substantially over time, provides a stimulus for scholars to conduct research in this under-developed area, and encourages collectors to investigate the artefacts that they collect in a more historically contextualised manner.

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Toledo, una ciudad laberíntica, de calles estrechas, empinadas y oscuras, en el siglo XV se convirtió en un escenario idóneo para la delincuencia. En tal situación, los regidores, llevados por el ansia de mantener el orden público, dispusieron toda clase de medidas, muchas de las cuales, aunque buscaban reprimir el delito, perseguían fines que iban más allá del resarcimiento de las víctimas del malhechor. A menudo la defensa de la paz pública se priorizó frente a la búsqueda objetiva de los culpables del delito, con el deseo de establecer una imagen poderosa de la justicia.