752 resultados para VOTING
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In the last decade, local image features have been widely used in robot visual localization. To assess image similarity, a strategy exploiting these features compares raw descriptors extracted from the current image to those in the models of places. This paper addresses the ensuing step in this process, where a combining function must be used to aggregate results and assign each place a score. Casting the problem in the multiple classifier systems framework, we compare several candidate combiners with respect to their performance in the visual localization task. A deeper insight into the potential of the sum and product combiners is provided by testing two extensions of these algebraic rules: threshold and weighted modifications. In addition, a voting method, previously used in robot visual localization, is assessed. All combiners are tested on a visual localization task, carried out on a public dataset. It is experimentally demonstrated that the sum rule extensions globally achieve the best performance. The voting method, whilst competitive to the algebraic rules in their standard form, is shown to be outperformed by both their modified versions.
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Dissertação apresentada na Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia da Universidade Nova de Lisboa para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Engenharia Electrotécnica e de Computadores
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In the last decade, local image features have been widely used in robot visual localization. In order to assess image similarity, a strategy exploiting these features compares raw descriptors extracted from the current image with those in the models of places. This paper addresses the ensuing step in this process, where a combining function must be used to aggregate results and assign each place a score. Casting the problem in the multiple classifier systems framework, in this paper we compare several candidate combiners with respect to their performance in the visual localization task. For this evaluation, we selected the most popular methods in the class of non-trained combiners, namely the sum rule and product rule. A deeper insight into the potential of these combiners is provided through a discriminativity analysis involving the algebraic rules and two extensions of these methods: the threshold, as well as the weighted modifications. In addition, a voting method, previously used in robot visual localization, is assessed. Furthermore, we address the process of constructing a model of the environment by describing how the model granularity impacts upon performance. All combiners are tested on a visual localization task, carried out on a public dataset. It is experimentally demonstrated that the sum rule extensions globally achieve the best performance, confirming the general agreement on the robustness of this rule in other classification problems. The voting method, whilst competitive with the product rule in its standard form, is shown to be outperformed by its modified versions.
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Numa altura em que o setor da saúde é apontado como uma área crítica de gastos, nunca foi tão pertinente, pela falta de verbas, refletir e discutir o formato de contratação e de gestão dos cuidados de saúde. A sua fundamentação em custo, volume ou diferenciação, bem como, os indicadores que refletem o investimento, a eficiência e eficácia dos cuidados. Pretendeu-se como objetivo principal estudar a criação de valor no mercado da saúde enquanto fator diferenciador para a negociação de preços e competitividade em contexto de crise económica. Com vista a alcançar este objetivo, procedeu-se à revisão dos modelos teóricos, recorrendo a pesquisa bibliográfica. Procedeu-se também à comparação dos resultados operacionais de uma empresa enquanto prestadora de serviços de oxigenoterapia ao domicílio, tendo por base duas estratégias diferentes: redução direta de preços ou manutenção de preços com criação de valor para o cliente. Tendo em vista as duas estratégias, foram elaboradas duas propostas e posteriormente apresentadas para avaliação e votação on-line por um grupo oito gestores hospitalares. O valor em cuidados de saúde é visível nos benefícios clínicos alcançados pelo dinheiro investido. A estrutura dos atuais sistemas de saúde apenas reconhece redução de gastos, fontes de receita, volume de cuidados, sem orientação para a valorização dos resultados clínicos. Os prestadores deviam competir pela focalização na obtenção de melhores resultados clínicos, pois deve ser a essa a preocupação central dos serviços médicos. Uma boa gestão pode levar a que numa negociação de contratos, uma proposta baseada em valor possa garantir a manutenção dos preços.
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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Finance from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics
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This paper proposes a model to explain the differences between outcomes of referenda and the voting trends suggested by polls. Two main effects are at stake. First, the evolution of the voters' attitudes is conditional on the public information made available to them. Second, the predisposition toward abstention among individuals within each voting group may be different. Our model describes how these two aspects of decision making may interact, showing how publicly available information may amplify the distinct tendency toward abstention between both groups and thus affect the outcome of the referendum.
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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Economics from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics
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Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Geospatial Technologies.
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This paper illustrates how delayed debt stabilizations can arise in a society without any emerging conflict of interests among its members. We argue that, under a majority voting rule, the economy may generate excessive levels of government spending and larger debts over time, and that this delay is increasing in income inequality. The intuition for this result is simple: a majority of citizens may find in delaying stabilizations a way to increase government expenditures, transferring in this way resources from the richest to the poorest citizens in the economy. This process may explain the upward trend and the difficulty to reduce public expenditures, the so called "ratchet effect."
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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.
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I study the influence of not-for-profit entities in companies, through shareholders proposals in the U.S. largest companies. This paper analyzes the not-for-profit entities involved, the issues addressed by the proposals and the financial characteristics of target companies, as well as market reactions and voting outcomes. Results indicate that not-for-profit entities tend to target companies with higher profitability and value more frequently than general investors. Furthermore, the voting outcome is influenced by insider ownership and types of proposals. Finally, market reactions change with profitability, leverage, ownership structure and types of proposals.
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In this paper, we study individual incentives to report preferences truthfully for the special case when individuals have dichotomous preferences on the set of alternatives and preferences are aggregated in form of scoring rules. In particular, we show that (a) the Borda Count coincides with Approval Voting on the dichotomous preference domain, (b) the Borda Count is the only strategy-proof scoring rule on the dichotomous preference domain, and (c) if at least three individuals participate in the election, then the dichotomous preference domain is the unique maximal rich domain under which the Borda Count is strategy-proof.
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Constitutional arrangements affect the decisions made by a society. We study how this effect leads to preferences of citizens over constitutions; and ultimately how this has a feedback that determines which constitutions can survive in a given society. Constitutions are stylized here, to consist of a voting rule for ordinary business and possibly different voting rule for making changes to the constitution. We deffine an equilibrium notion for constitutions, called self-stability, whereby under the rules of a self-stable constitution, the society would not vote to change the constitution. We argue that only self-stable constitutions will endure. We prove that self-stable constitutions always exist, but that most constitutions (even very prominent ones) may not be self-stable for some societies. We show that constitutions where the voting rule used to amend the constitution is the same as the voting rule used for ordinary business are dangerously simplistic, and there are (many) societies for which no such constitution is self-stable rule. We conclude with a characterization of the set of self-stable constitutions that use majority rule for ordinary business.
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This paper studies the impact of instrumental voting on information demand and mass media behaviour during electoral campaigns. If voters act instrumentally then information demand should increase with the closeness of an election. Mass media are modeled as profit-maximizing firms that take into account information demand, the value of customers to advertisers and the marginal cost of customers. Information supply should be larger in electoral constituencies where the contest is expected to be closer, there is a higher population density, and customers are on average more profitable for advertisers. The impact of electorate size is theoretically undetermined. These conclusions are then tested with comfortable results on data from the 1997 general election in Britain.