La memoria risorgimentale in Giustizia e Libertà (1929-1940)

The dissertation regards The memory on the Italian Risorgimento in “Justice and Freedom”(1929-1940) a theoretical core point in the history of the Movement, which so far has not been granted due attention. The work herewith presented is therefore aimed at filling a storiographical gap, analysing the historical events which continue to operate as traditions, raising feelings and passions and hence operating in politics, although as secondary factors. The point made is that the Justice and Freedom Movement, an antifascist political movement born in Paris in October 1929, bases its strength on the heroic choice of the antifascism movement to fight a Second Risorgimento, connecting the fight against the regime to the battles previously fought for the justice and the freedom, an entirely isolated event in the political opposition’s panorama. The dissertation, thus, attempts to explain how and why Justice and Freedom is so tightly interconnected in its political action to the Risorgimento tradition. The first chapter sets the cultural background of the foundation of the Justice and Freedom Movement. The centre of such foundation was Florence, where Gaetano Salvemini, along with a group of young people, would later on carry out some cultural experiences that ideally prepare the ground for the movement’s birth. In the second chapter are found the sites of the memory where the passage of the Risorgimento tradition between the generations takes place. The work therefore shifts from a public to a private level, concentrating on biographical paths. The choice made was for Nello Rosselli, a man very close to the Justice and Freedom Movement but who, as opposed to his comrades-in-arms, did not chose the political way to express his ethical choice, but rather the theoretical one, becoming a Risorgimento historian. The third chapter concentrates on the birth of the Justice and Freedom Movement in France, trying to reconstruct the cultural ties and the confrontation places and sites where the members of the Movement could interact with the French intellectual milieu, bringing back to light the propagandistic usage of the Risorgimento myth carried out by the Movement. Lastly, the fourth chapter focuses on the cultural debate on the Risorgimento, which took place on the press organs of the Movement, pointing out and periodizing the theoretical passages and the propagandistic uses of the myth as related to the stages of the Movement and the political needs.

Welfare provision in Sweden and the dominant position of the Sap

There have been almost fifty years since Harry Eckstein' s classic monograph, A Theory of Stable Democracy (Princeton, 1961), where he sketched out the basic tenets of the “congruence theory”, which was to become one of the most important and innovative contributions to understanding democratic rule. His next work, Division and Cohesion in Democracy, (Princeton University Press: 1966) is designed to serve as a plausibility probe for this 'theory' (ftn.) and is a case study of a Northern democratic system, Norway. What is more, this line of his work best exemplifies the contribution Eckstein brought to the methodology of comparative politics through his seminal article, “ “Case Study and Theory in Political Science” ” (in Greenstein and Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, 1975), on the importance of the case study as an approach to empirical theory. This article demonstrates the special utility of “crucial case studies” in testing theory, thereby undermining the accepted wisdom in comparative research that the larger the number of cases the better. Although not along the same lines, but shifting the case study unit of research, I intend to take up here the challenge and build upon an equally unique political system, the Swedish one. Bearing in mind the peculiarities of the Swedish political system, my unit of analysis is going to be further restricted to the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Svenska Arbetare Partiet. However, my research stays within the methodological framework of the case study theory inasmuch as it focuses on a single political system and party. The Swedish SAP endurance in government office and its electoral success throughout half a century (ftn. As of the 1991 election, there were about 56 years - more than half century - of interrupted social democratic "reign" in Sweden.) are undeniably a performance no other Social Democrat party has yet achieved in democratic conditions. Therefore, it is legitimate to inquire about the exceptionality of this unique political power combination. Which were the different components of this dominance power position, which made possible for SAP's governmental office stamina? I will argue here that it was the end-product of a combination of multifarious factors such as a key position in the party system, strong party leadership and organization, a carefully designed strategy regarding class politics and welfare policy. My research is divided into three main parts, the historical incursion, the 'welfare' part and the 'environment' part. The first part is a historical account of the main political events and issues, which are relevant for my case study. Chapter 2 is devoted to the historical events unfolding in the 1920-1960 period: the Saltsjoebaden Agreement, the series of workers' strikes in the 1920s and SAP's inception. It exposes SAP's ascent to power in the mid 1930s and the party's ensuing strategies for winning and keeping political office, that is its economic program and key economic goals. The following chapter - chapter 3 - explores the next period, i.e. the period from 1960s to 1990s and covers the party's troubled political times, its peak and the beginnings of the decline. The 1960s are relevant for SAP's planning of a long term economic strategy - the Rehn Meidner model, a new way of macroeconomic steering, based on the Keynesian model, but adapted to the new economic realities of welfare capitalist societies. The second and third parts of this study develop several hypotheses related to SAP's 'dominant position' (endurance in politics and in office) and test them afterwards. Mainly, the twin issues of economics and environment are raised and their political relevance for the party analyzed. On one hand, globalization and its spillover effects over the Swedish welfare system are important causal factors in explaining the transformative social-economic challenges the party had to put up with. On the other hand, Europeanization and environmental change influenced to a great deal SAP's foreign policy choices and its domestic electoral strategies. The implications of globalization on the Swedish welfare system will make the subject of two chapters - chapters four and five, respectively, whereupon the Europeanization consequences will be treated at length in the third part of this work - chapters six and seven, respectively. Apparently, at first sight, the link between foreign policy and electoral strategy is difficult to prove and uncanny, in the least. However, in the SAP's case there is a bulk of literature and public opinion statistical data able to show that governmental domestic policy and party politics are in a tight dependence to foreign policy decisions and sovereignty issues. Again, these country characteristics and peculiar causal relationships are outlined in the first chapters and explained in the second and third parts. The sixth chapter explores the presupposed relationship between Europeanization and environmental policy, on one hand, and SAP's environmental policy formulation and simultaneous agenda-setting at the international level, on the other hand. This chapter describes Swedish leadership in environmental policy formulation on two simultaneous fronts and across two different time spans. The last chapter, chapter eight - while trying to develop a conclusion, explores the alternative theories plausible in explaining the outlined hypotheses and points out the reasons why these theories do not fit as valid alternative explanation to my systemic corporatism thesis as the main causal factor determining SAP's 'dominant position'. Among the alternative theories, I would consider Traedgaardh L. and Bo Rothstein's historical exceptionalism thesis and the public opinion thesis, which alone are not able to explain the half century social democratic endurance in government in the Swedish case.

Governor Tom Judge: Early Years - The Path to Becoming Montana's 18th Governor -- Sidney Armstrong, Larry Pettit & Kent Kleinkopf “In the Crucible of Change”

The dramatic period of progressive change in Montana that is documented "In the Crucible of Change" series really exploded with the election of Governors Forrest Anderson and Tom Judge. Anderson's single term saw the dispatching of the sales tax as an issue for a long period, the reorganization of the executive branch of state government and the revision of Montana's Constitution. As a former legislator, county attorney, Supreme Court justice, and Attorney General, Anderson brought unmatched experience to the governorship when elected. Tom Judge, although much younger (elected MT’s youngest governor at age 38 immediately following Anderson), also brought serious experience to the governorship: six years as a MT State Representative, two years as a MT State Senator, four years is Lieutenant Governor and significant business experience. The campaign and election of John F. Kennedy in 1960 spurred other young Americans to service, including Tom Judge. First elected in 1960, he rose rapidly through MT’s political-governmental hierarchy until he took over the governorship in time to implement many of the changes started in Governor Anderson’s term. But as a strong progressive leader in his own right, Governor Judge sponsored and implemented significant advancements of his own for Montana. Those accomplishments, however, are the subject of other films in this series. This film deals with Tom Judge’s early years – his rise to the governorship from when he returned home after college at Notre Dame and newspaper experience in Kentucky to his actual election in November 1972. That story is discussed in this episode by three major players in the effort, all directly involved in Tom Judge’s early years and path to the governorship: Sidney Armstrong, Larry Pettit and Kent Kleinkopf. Their recollections of the early Tom Judge and the period of his advancement to the governorship provide an insider’s perspective of the growth of this significant leader of the important period of progressive change documented “In the Crucible of Change.” Sidney Armstrong, President of Sidney Armstrong Consulting, serves on the board and as the Executive Director of the Greater Montana Foundation. Formerly Executive Director of the Montana Community Foundation (MCF), she has served on national committees and participated in national foundation initiatives. While at MCF, she worked extensively with MT Governors Racicot and Martz on the state charitable endowment tax credit and other endowed philanthropy issues. A member of MT Governor Thomas L. Judge’s staff in the 1970s, she was also part of Governor Brian Schweitzer’s 2004 Transition Team, continuing to serve as a volunteer advisor during his term. In the 1980s, Sidney also worked for the MT State AFL-CIO and the MT Democratic Party as well as working two sessions with the MT Senate as Assistant Secretary of the Senate and aide to the President. A Helena native, and great granddaughter of pioneer Montanans, Sidney has served on numerous nonprofit boards, and is currently a board member for the Montana History Foundation. Recently she served on the board of the Holter Museum of Art and was a Governor’s appointee to the Humanities Montana board. She is a graduate of the International School of Geneva, Switzerland and the University of Montana. Armstrong's Irish maternal immigrant great-grandparents, Thomas and Maria Cahill Cooney, came to Virginia City, MT in a covered wagon in 1865, looking for gold. Eventually, they settled on the banks of the Missouri River outside Helena as ranchers. She also has roots in Butte, MT, where her journalist father's family, both of whom were newspaper people, lived. Her father, Richard K. O’Malley, is also the author of a well-known book about Butte, Mile High, Mile Deep, recently re-published by Russell Chatham. She is the mother of four and the grandmother of eight. Dr. Lawrence K. Pettit (Larry Pettit) (b. 5/2/1937) has had a dual career in politics and higher education. In addition to being Montana’s first Commissioner of Higher Education (the subject of another film in this series); Pettit, of Lewistown, served as legislative assistant to U.S. Senators James E. Murray and Lee Metcalf, campaign manager, head of transition team and assistant to Montana Governor Thomas L. Judge; taught political science at The Pennsylvania State University (main campus), was chair of political science at Montana State University, Deputy Commissioner for Academic Programs at the Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board, Chancellor of the University System of South Texas (since merged with Texas A&M University), President of Southern Illinois University, and President of Indiana University of Pennsylvania from where he retired in 2003. He has served as chair of the Commission on Leadership for the American Council on Education, president of the National Association of (University) System Heads, and on many national and state boards and commissions in higher education. Pettit is author of “If You Live by the Sword: Politics in the Making and Unmaking of a University President.” More about Pettit is found at http://www.lawrencekpettit.com… Kent Kleinkopf of Missoula is co-founder of a firm with a national scope of business that specializes in litigation consultation, expert vocational testimony, and employee assistance programs. His partner (and wife of 45 years) Kathy, is an expert witness in the 27 year old business. Kent received a BA in History/Education from the University of Idaho and an MA in Economics from the University of Utah. The Kleinkopfs moved to Helena, MT in 1971 where he was Assistant to the Commissioner of State Lands (later Governor) Ted Schwinden. In early 1972 Kent volunteered full time in Lt. Governor Tom Judge’s campaign for Governor, driving the Lt. Governor extensively throughout Montana. After Judge was elected governor, Kent briefly joined the staff of Governor Forrest Anderson, then in 1973 transitioned to Judge’s Governor’s Office staff, where he became Montana’s first “Citizens’ Advocate.” In that capacity he fielded requests for assistance from citizens with concerns and information regarding State Agencies. While on the Governor’s staff, Kent continued as a travel aide with the governor both in Montana and nationally. In 1977 Kent was appointed Director of the MT Department of Business Regulation. That role included responsibility as Superintendent of Banking and Chairman of the State Banking Board, where Kent presided over the chartering of many banks, savings and loans, and credit unions. In 1981 the Kleinkopfs moved to Missoula and went into the business they run today. Kent was appointed by Governor Brian Schweitzer to the Board of the Montana Historical Society in 2006, was reappointed and continues to serve. Kathy and Kent have a daughter and son-in-law in Missoula.

Present at the Creation: Montana Higher Education Reforms from 1972 Constitution -- Dr. Lawrence K. Pettit “In the Crucible of Change”

Prior to the passage of the 1972 Constitution, Montana’s higher education system was both controlled and victimized by Montana’s politics. Alternatingly, Governors or the Legislature tried to control and/or impose political ideology upon the management and teaching/content within the University System. Political favoritism and power-broking were the hallmark of the legislative appropriation process. Under the new Constitution, a newly empowered Board of Regents, and a new Commissioner of Higher Education managed the system and controlled the allocation of the legislative appropriations, but not without a major battle before the Montana Supreme Court. Dr. Lawrence K. Pettit (Larry Pettit) (b. 5/2/1937) was present at the creation of this newly structured higher education system as the first Commissioner of Higher Education in Montana after his appointment by the Board of Regents of the University System in 1973. Larry Pettit has had a dual career in politics and higher education. Pettit, of Lewistown, served as legislative assistant to U.S. Senators James E. Murray and Lee Metcalf, campaign manager, head of transition team and assistant to Montana Governor Thomas L. Judge, taught political science at The Pennsylvania State University (main campus), was chair of political science at Montana State University, Deputy Commissioner for Academic Programs at the Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board, Chancellor of the University System of South Texas (since merged with Texas A&M University), President of Southern Illinois University, and President of Indiana University of Pennsylvania from where he retired in 2003. He has served as chair of the Commission on Leadership for the American Council on Education, president of the National Association of (University) System Heads, and on many national and state boards and commissions in higher education. Pettit is author of “If You Live by the Sword: Politics in the Making and Unmaking of a University President.” More about Pettit is found at http://www.lawrencekpettit.com

Practice Movements: The Politics of Non-sovereign Power

Practice movements, that is, forms of unorganized collective action, are a central site of politics. Their defining moments are that their goals are expressed in practices rather than in words, and that these “pre-ideological” practices aim at access to or redistribution of goods, whether material or symbolic, rather than at representation. They are transgression rather than resistance in that they transgress restrictions inherent in the material organization of space, property relations, status orders, and normative regulations, be they laws, morals, or customs. Practice movements are above all about access and participation rather than about autonomy, and thus have an ambiguous relation to the transformation of the status quo. Their politics are transformative and they can produce temporary or lasting changes in the material grounds or in the regulation of the everyday life of those who pursue them, and potentially of the normativity and the organization of the wider social order.

Women in movement : Gender relations in quilombola community Buriti do Meio on the North of Minas Gerais/Brazil

In a civilisation space of Sao Francisco basin river. Women and men interlace on their relations building mutual and each one on your way in handling of the clay in politics fights and in life daily of Buriti do Meio Quilombo. The objective of this study was to do a ethnographically reflection of gender relations that link men and women in the black rural community Buriti do Meio in Sao Francisco municipal district on the North of Minas Gerais/Brazil. We tried to understand the meanings and the composed representations on the feminineness and the masculine ways in relation that men and women set up among themselves in handling workmanship for the information in politics fight of community group as quilombo remaining and to rights access derived and everyday life where they build and organize together the life of all their members reflecting in his symbolic order. Buriti do Meio is traditional known for its handcraft and for cultural manifestations, legacy of their ancestral, olds slaves that ran way to look for autonomy and freedom express signs of afrobrazilian culture inserted on the civilization space in Sao Francisco basin river

Las huelgas de los estibadores portuarios en el sur santafesino en 1928

El 2 de mayo de 1928 se inicia una huelga de estibadores portuarios en Rosario después de años de tibia actividad sindical. Días más tarde, varios hechos de sangre provocaron la solidaridad obrera con dos paros generales que conmovieron a la ciudad por su agitación y violencia. Los portuarios villenses también se solidarizaron y, un mes más tarde, encabezaron un violento reclamo laboral. El motivo inicial de las huelgas fue el salarial, pero la cuestión de fondo que hilvana a ambas experiencias es la puja social por el deterioro de las condiciones laborales y las imposiciones empresarias en el control y selección de la fuerza de trabajo.En principio la espontaneidad de la protesta tomó por sorpresa a las organizaciones sindicales de izquierda que durante la década del 20 habían mostraban varias fracturas, no obstante será la oportunidad que explica la reorganización y difusión del movimiento obrero con posterioridad. En otro sentido, los conflictos en Rosario y Villa Constitución reflejan la compleja trama de la política santafesina y su conexión con el ámbito laboral. Asimismo, creemos que los sucesos de 1928 tienen una repercusión mayor que la estrictamente local engarzándose en un ciclo de conflictividad que involucra a buena parte de la economía agroexportadora

Las huelgas de los estibadores portuarios en el sur santafesino en 1928

El 2 de mayo de 1928 se inicia una huelga de estibadores portuarios en Rosario después de años de tibia actividad sindical. Días más tarde, varios hechos de sangre provocaron la solidaridad obrera con dos paros generales que conmovieron a la ciudad por su agitación y violencia. Los portuarios villenses también se solidarizaron y, un mes más tarde, encabezaron un violento reclamo laboral. El motivo inicial de las huelgas fue el salarial, pero la cuestión de fondo que hilvana a ambas experiencias es la puja social por el deterioro de las condiciones laborales y las imposiciones empresarias en el control y selección de la fuerza de trabajo.En principio la espontaneidad de la protesta tomó por sorpresa a las organizaciones sindicales de izquierda que durante la década del 20 habían mostraban varias fracturas, no obstante será la oportunidad que explica la reorganización y difusión del movimiento obrero con posterioridad. En otro sentido, los conflictos en Rosario y Villa Constitución reflejan la compleja trama de la política santafesina y su conexión con el ámbito laboral. Asimismo, creemos que los sucesos de 1928 tienen una repercusión mayor que la estrictamente local engarzándose en un ciclo de conflictividad que involucra a buena parte de la economía agroexportadora

Women in movement : Gender relations in quilombola community Buriti do Meio on the North of Minas Gerais/Brazil

In a civilisation space of Sao Francisco basin river. Women and men interlace on their relations building mutual and each one on your way in handling of the clay in politics fights and in life daily of Buriti do Meio Quilombo. The objective of this study was to do a ethnographically reflection of gender relations that link men and women in the black rural community Buriti do Meio in Sao Francisco municipal district on the North of Minas Gerais/Brazil. We tried to understand the meanings and the composed representations on the feminineness and the masculine ways in relation that men and women set up among themselves in handling workmanship for the information in politics fight of community group as quilombo remaining and to rights access derived and everyday life where they build and organize together the life of all their members reflecting in his symbolic order. Buriti do Meio is traditional known for its handcraft and for cultural manifestations, legacy of their ancestral, olds slaves that ran way to look for autonomy and freedom express signs of afrobrazilian culture inserted on the civilization space in Sao Francisco basin river

Women in movement : Gender relations in quilombola community Buriti do Meio on the North of Minas Gerais/Brazil

In a civilisation space of Sao Francisco basin river. Women and men interlace on their relations building mutual and each one on your way in handling of the clay in politics fights and in life daily of Buriti do Meio Quilombo. The objective of this study was to do a ethnographically reflection of gender relations that link men and women in the black rural community Buriti do Meio in Sao Francisco municipal district on the North of Minas Gerais/Brazil. We tried to understand the meanings and the composed representations on the feminineness and the masculine ways in relation that men and women set up among themselves in handling workmanship for the information in politics fight of community group as quilombo remaining and to rights access derived and everyday life where they build and organize together the life of all their members reflecting in his symbolic order. Buriti do Meio is traditional known for its handcraft and for cultural manifestations, legacy of their ancestral, olds slaves that ran way to look for autonomy and freedom express signs of afrobrazilian culture inserted on the civilization space in Sao Francisco basin river

Las huelgas de los estibadores portuarios en el sur santafesino en 1928

El 2 de mayo de 1928 se inicia una huelga de estibadores portuarios en Rosario después de años de tibia actividad sindical. Días más tarde, varios hechos de sangre provocaron la solidaridad obrera con dos paros generales que conmovieron a la ciudad por su agitación y violencia. Los portuarios villenses también se solidarizaron y, un mes más tarde, encabezaron un violento reclamo laboral. El motivo inicial de las huelgas fue el salarial, pero la cuestión de fondo que hilvana a ambas experiencias es la puja social por el deterioro de las condiciones laborales y las imposiciones empresarias en el control y selección de la fuerza de trabajo.En principio la espontaneidad de la protesta tomó por sorpresa a las organizaciones sindicales de izquierda que durante la década del 20 habían mostraban varias fracturas, no obstante será la oportunidad que explica la reorganización y difusión del movimiento obrero con posterioridad. En otro sentido, los conflictos en Rosario y Villa Constitución reflejan la compleja trama de la política santafesina y su conexión con el ámbito laboral. Asimismo, creemos que los sucesos de 1928 tienen una repercusión mayor que la estrictamente local engarzándose en un ciclo de conflictividad que involucra a buena parte de la economía agroexportadora

Post-1988 civil-military relations in Myanmar

This paper explores the development of civil–military relations in Myanmar since 1988. After the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) took over the state by means of a coup d’état in 1988, the top generals ruled the country without recourse to significant formal political institutions such as a constitution, elections and parliament. A unique authoritarian regime, where political power was predominantly under the military’s influence, lasted for more than 20 years in the country. It seemed to many observers that the military regime was highly durable and that its dictator, General Than Shwe, had no intention of altering the highly repressive character of the political system. However, a new leader, President Thein Sein, who came to power in March 2011, has decided to implement some political and economic reforms that could undermine the Tatmadaw’s dominant role in politics and the economy. This paper examines the background to this sudden political change in Myanmar, focusing on the relationship between its dictator, the military and the state. This paper’s main argument is that Than Shwe has carefully prepared the transition of 2011 as a generational change in the Tatmadaw and in state leadership. The argument is also made that the challenges created by Thein Sein can be understood as a result of his redefinition of national security and balancing of security-centralism with state-led developmentalism.

Response threshold models, stochastic learning automata and ant colony optimization-based decentralized self-coordination algorithms for heterogeneous multi-tasks distribution in multi-robot systems

In recent decades, there has been an increasing interest in systems comprised of several autonomous mobile robots, and as a result, there has been a substantial amount of development in the eld of Articial Intelligence, especially in Robotics. There are several studies in the literature by some researchers from the scientic community that focus on the creation of intelligent machines and devices capable to imitate the functions and movements of living beings. Multi-Robot Systems (MRS) can often deal with tasks that are dicult, if not impossible, to be accomplished by a single robot. In the context of MRS, one of the main challenges is the need to control, coordinate and synchronize the operation of multiple robots to perform a specic task. This requires the development of new strategies and methods which allow us to obtain the desired system behavior in a formal and concise way. This PhD thesis aims to study the coordination of multi-robot systems, in particular, addresses the problem of the distribution of heterogeneous multi-tasks. The main interest in these systems is to understand how from simple rules inspired by the division of labor in social insects, a group of robots can perform tasks in an organized and coordinated way. We are mainly interested on truly distributed or decentralized solutions in which the robots themselves, autonomously and in an individual manner, select a particular task so that all tasks are optimally distributed. In general, to perform the multi-tasks distribution among a team of robots, they have to synchronize their actions and exchange information. Under this approach we can speak of multi-tasks selection instead of multi-tasks assignment, which means, that the agents or robots select the tasks instead of being assigned a task by a central controller. The key element in these algorithms is the estimation ix of the stimuli and the adaptive update of the thresholds. This means that each robot performs this estimate locally depending on the load or the number of pending tasks to be performed. In addition, it is very interesting the evaluation of the results in function in each approach, comparing the results obtained by the introducing noise in the number of pending loads, with the purpose of simulate the robot's error in estimating the real number of pending tasks. The main contribution of this thesis can be found in the approach based on self-organization and division of labor in social insects. An experimental scenario for the coordination problem among multiple robots, the robustness of the approaches and the generation of dynamic tasks have been presented and discussed. The particular issues studied are: Threshold models: It presents the experiments conducted to test the response threshold model with the objective to analyze the system performance index, for the problem of the distribution of heterogeneous multitasks in multi-robot systems; also has been introduced additive noise in the number of pending loads and has been generated dynamic tasks over time. Learning automata methods: It describes the experiments to test the learning automata-based probabilistic algorithms. The approach was tested to evaluate the system performance index with additive noise and with dynamic tasks generation for the same problem of the distribution of heterogeneous multi-tasks in multi-robot systems. Ant colony optimization: The goal of the experiments presented is to test the ant colony optimization-based deterministic algorithms, to achieve the distribution of heterogeneous multi-tasks in multi-robot systems. In the experiments performed, the system performance index is evaluated by introducing additive noise and dynamic tasks generation over time.