812 resultados para Intellectual-state relations


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In the theoretical study on equation of state for polymers, much attention has been paid to the polymer in liquid state, but less to that in solid state. Therefore, some empirical and semi-empirical equations of state have been used to describe its pressure-volume-temperature (P-V-T) relations.

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Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada à Universidade Fernando Pessoa como parte dos requisitos para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Relações Internacionais com o Mundo Árabe e Islâmico.

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This article is concerned with resituating the state at the centre of the analytical stage and, concomitantly, with drawing attention to the dangers of losing sight of the state as a locus of power. It seeks to uncover the relationship between two related lines of critical inquiry: Marxist and Foucauldian theories of the state; and the attempts by three postwar American novelist (Ken Kesey, William Burroughs and E.L. Doctorow) to determine the nature and extent of this power and to consider under what conditions political struggle might be possible. It argues that such a move is needed because recent critical analysis has been too preoccupied by corporeal micropolitics and global macropolitics, and that the postwar American novel can help us in this move because it is centrally concerned with the repressive potentiality of the US state. It maintains that the resuscitation of Marxist state theories in early 1970s and a debate between Poulantzas and Foucault is intriguingly foreshadowed and even critiqued by these novels. Consequently, it concludes that these novels constitute an unrecognized pre-history of what would become one of the key intellectual debates of the late twentieth century: an engagement between Marxist and post-structuralist conceptions of the power and resistance.

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In the past twenty years an increasing number of Global South nations have vied for the rights to host prestigious and expensive sport mega events. This trend requires significant reflection given the enormous economic costs of these events, which often produce little capital gain for the host nation (Whitson & Horne, 2006). Furthermore, sport mega events are often utilized for their symbolic capital (Belanger, 2009), which sometimes manifests through forcing people from their land for the sake of “beautification” (Davis, 2006). In this project, then, I asked how technologies of power were utilized by FIFA, corporate stakeholders, and the South African government to control people who were marginal to, or impeded the success of, the World Cup in Nelspruit, South Africa. This project consisted of two parts: the first involved constructing a theoretical framework for better understanding power as it operates through sport mega events in general. To this end I employed Marxian notions of the ordering of physical space, Foucauldian conceptions of sovereignty and governmentality, and Agamben’s (1998) state of exception to determine how particular bodies are constituted and controlled through sport mega events. In the second part, I applied this theoretical framework to the events in South Africa to better elucidate how people became displaced and killed because of the 2010 FIFA World Cup. I used South African popular news and documentaries as empirical evidence and conducted a discursive analysis of said news media. Through this coverage it became apparent that the mega event created the conditions in which new forms of rogue sovereign partnerships could arise through a historically and spatially contingent process of capitalism. The rogue sovereigns’ para-juridico-political orders, the discourses and practices of accumulation by dispossession as a tactic and effect of govermentality, and other historical non-capital subjectivities such as racial identity, all contributed to constituting Agamben’s state of exception in which people could be displaced, killed or left to die in the events surrounding the World Cup.

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Brain derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF) is a member of the family of neurotrophins and binds to the tropomyosin-related kinase B (TrkB) receptor. Like other neurotrophic factors, BDNF is involved in the development and differentiation of neurons. Recently, studies have suggested important roles for BDNF in the regulation of energy homeostasis. The paraventricular nucleus (PVN) is critical for normal energy balance contains high levels of both BDNF and TrkB mRNA. Studies have shown that microinjections of BDNF into the PVN increase energy expenditure, suggesting BDNF plays a role in energy homeostasis through direct actions in this hypothalamic nucleus. We used male Sprague-Dawley rats to perform whole-cell current-clamp experiments from PVN neurons in slice preparation. BDNF was bath applied at a concentration of 2nM and caused depolarizations in 54% of neurons (n = 25; mean change in membrane potential: 8.9 ± 1.2 mV), hyperpolarizations in 23% (n = 11; mean change in membrane potential: -6.7 ± 1.4 mV), while the remaining cells tested were unaffected. Previous studies showing effects of BDNF on γ-aminobutyric acid type A (GABAA) mediated neurotransmission in PVN led us to examine if these BDNF-mediated changes in membrane potential were maintained in the presence of tetrodotoxin (TTX) sodium channel blocker (N = 9; 56% depolarized, 22% hyperpolarized, 22% non-responders) and bicuculline (GABAA antagonist) (N = 12; 42% depolarized, 17% hyperpolarized, 41% non-responders), supporting the conclusion that these effects on membrane potential were postsynaptic. We also evaluated the effects of BDNF on these neurons across varying physiologically relevant extracellular glucose concentrations. At 10 mM 23% (n = 11; mean: -6.7 ± 1.4 mV) of PVN neurons hyperpolarized in response to BDNF treatment, whereas at 0.2 mM glucose, 71% showed hyperpolarizing effects (n = 12; mean: -6.3 ± 2.8 mV). Our findings reveal that BDNF has direct impacts on PVN neurons and that these neurons are capable of integrating multiple sources of metabolically relevant input. Our analysis regarding glucose concentrations and their effects on these neurons’ response to other metabolic signals emphasizes the importance of using physiologically relevant conditions for study of central pathways involved in the regulation of energy homeostasis.

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The reaction mechanism and the rate-determining step (RDS) of the isomerisation of n-alkanes (C-4-C-6) over partially reduced MoO3 catalysts were studied through the effects of the addition of an alkene isomerisation catalyst (i.e. CoAlPO- 11). When an acidic CoAlPO- 11 sample was mechanically mixed with the MoO3, a decrease of the induction period and an increase of the steady-state conversion of n-butane to isobutane were observed. These data support previous assumptions that a bifunctional mechanism occurred over the partially reduced MoO3 (a complex nanoscale mixture of oxide-based phases) during n-butane isomerisation and that the RDS was the skeletal isomerisation of the linear butene intermediates. The only promotional effect of CoAlPO-11 on the activity of partially reduced MoO3 for C-5-C-6 alkane hydroisomerisation was a reduction of the induction period, as the RDS at steady-state conditions appeared to be dehydrogenation of the alkane in this case. However, lower yields of branched isomers were observed in this case, the reason of which is yet unclear. (c) 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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The British government's response to the London bombings sought to make the terror of that day foreign, even though it appeared largely domestic. This helped construct it as unusual, contingent, part of the uncontrollable ‘otherness’ of the ‘foreign’. However, it also drew the response into the arena of British foreign policy, where the ‘failing state’ has been the dominant conceptualisation of insecurity and terrorism, especially since September 11th. When the bombings are examined through the ‘failing state’ disturbing and important problems are uncovered. Primarily, the ‘failing state’ discourse deconstructs under the influence of the terrorism in London, revealing that Britain itself is a ‘failing state’ by its own description and producing a generalisation of state ‘failure’. It thereby reveals several possible sites for responding to and resisting the government's representation.

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We consider here how cultural and socioeconomic dimensions of justice beyond the state are related. First we examine cosmopolitan theories that have drawn on John Rawls's egalitarian liberal framework to argue that a just global order requires substantive, transnational redistribution of material resources. We then assess the view, ironically put forward by Rawls himself, that this perspective is ethnocentric and insufficiently tolerant of non-liberal cultures. We argue that Rawls is right to be concerned about the danger of ethnocentrism, but wrong to assume that this requires us to reject the case for substantive redistribution across state boundaries. A more compelling account of justice beyond the state will integrate effectively socioeconomic and cultural aspects of justice. We suggest that this approach is best grounded in a critical theory of recognition that responds to the damage caused to human relations by legacies of historical injustice.

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This work analyzes the relationship between large food webs describing potential feeding relations between species and smaller sub-webs thereof describing relations actually realized in local communities of various sizes. Special attention is given to the relationships between patterns of phylogenetic correlations encountered in large webs and sub-webs. Based on the current theory of food-web topology as implemented in the matching model, it is shown that food webs are scale invariant in the following sense: given a large web described by the model, a smaller, randomly sampled sub-web thereof is described by the model as well. A stochastic analysis of model steady states reveals that such a change in scale goes along with a re-normalization of model parameters. Explicit formulae for the renormalized parameters are derived. Thus, the topology of food webs at all scales follows the same patterns, and these can be revealed by data and models referring to the local scale alone. As a by-product of the theory, a fast algorithm is derived which yields sample food webs from the exact steady state of the matching model for a high-dimensional trophic niche space in finite time. (C) 2008 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Two semianalytical relations [Nature, 1996, 381, 137 and Phys. Rev. Lett. 2001, 87, 245901] predicting dynamical coefficients of simple liquids on the basis of structural properties have been tested by extensive molecular dynamics simulations for an idealized 2:1 model molten salt. In agreement with previous simulation studies, our results support the validity of the relation expressing the self-diffusion coefficient as a Function of the radial distribution functions for all thermodynamic conditions such that the system is in the ionic (ie., fully dissociated) liquid state. Deviations are apparent for high-density samples in the amorphous state and in the low-density, low-temperature range, when ions condense into AB(2) molecules. A similar relation predicting the ionic conductivity is only partially validated by our data. The simulation results, covering 210 distinct thermodynamic states, represent an extended database to tune and validate semianalytical theories of dynamical properties and provide a baseline for the interpretation of properties of more complex systems such as the room-temperature ionic liquids.

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This article investigates the link between regionalization of the structure of government, regional elections and regionalism on the one hand, and the organization of state-wide political parties in Spain and the UK on the other. It particularly looks at two aspects of the relations between the central and regional levels of party organization: integration of the regional branches in central decision making and autonomy of the regional branches. It argues that the party factors are the most crucial elements explaining party change and that party leaders mediate between environmental changes and party organization. The parties' history and beliefs and the strength of the central leadership condition their ability or willingness to facilitate the emergence of meso-level elites. The institutional and electoral factors are facilitating factors that constitute additional motives for or against internal party decentralization

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Strong civil society provides individuals with arenas to bring their interests to the attention of policymakers. In so doing, civil society organizations (CSOs) can support state policies, but can also criticize policies. This paper argues that most minority rights advocacy CSOs in the Baltic states have little say in the crafting of policy and are compartmentalized into the existing agendas, with only a few groups able to evaluate policies independently. It concludes that the Baltic civil society is weak because the CSOs working on minority issues ask policymakers either too much, or too little. The findings suggest that policymakers quell criticism of their work from the side of the CSOs by ignoring their activities. Alternatively, by funding the CSO that shores up the state agenda, policymakers delegate their responsibilities to civic actors, keep critical voices from public debates and claim that their policies have the full support of a vibrant civil society. This paper investigates the options available for civil society actors to relate to policymakers in a nationalizing state by drawing on the data collected in 77 semi-structured interviews with the CSOs working with Russian and Polish minorities in the Baltic states between 2006 and 2009. © 2011 Association for the Study of Nationalities.

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As with all aspects of public management, the control, financing, and regulation of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) are matters subject to changing international trends and domestic political imperatives. The effects of the global financial crisis (GFC) on the ownership, financing, and role of SOEs are still unfolding, but undoubtedly will be heavily influenced by a new era of public sector reforms principally designed to reassert central political controls, as well as by fiscal pressures to balance state budgets. In this regard, the Irish experience is instructive, with the findings from two datasets being used here to examine various modes of state enterprise control and their corresponding autonomy. Significantly, there has been considerable variety within and across the SOE sector, demonstrating the need for more detailed understanding of how SOEs are managed. © 2011 Taylor & Francis.

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We report the experimental reconstruction of the nonequilibrium work probability distribution in a closed quantum system, and the study of the corresponding quantum fluctuation relations. The experiment uses a liquid-state nuclear magnetic resonance platform that offers full control on the preparation and dynamics of the system. Our endeavors enable the characterization of the out-of-equilibrium dynamics of a quantum spin from a finite-time thermodynamics viewpoint.