826 resultados para Housing provision
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What’s wrong with this advertisement? This wording used to be very familiar in our daily newspaper ads. But the federal Fair Housing Amendments Act was passed in 1988, making it illegal to refuse to rent or sell property to families because they have children. In 1992, the Iowa Civil Rights Act was amended to also prohibit discrimination against families with children. The law defines a family with children as follows: One or more individuals under the age of 18 living with a parent, or with a person having legal custody A designee of such parent or legal guardian Persons who are expecting a baby or who are seeking legal custody of a child.
Design and Construction in Fair Housing: Enforcement, Timeless and Practical Suggestion, Spring 2010
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In addition to the Fair Housing Act of 1968, other legislation has expanded protection from discrimination for individuals with disabilities, including the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 and the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990. Notably, the Fair Housing Amendments Act (FHAA), signed into law by Ronald Reagan in 1988, expanded equal housing protection to individuals with disabilities. The legislative history behind the 1988 Amendments notes that one aim of the law was to address both purposeful discrimination as well as what is sometimes unintentional discrimination caused by the design and construction of inaccessible housing.
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Fair housing question and answer sheet produced by the Department of Civil Rights.
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For people with disabilities, however, housing options have been limited. Today, state and federal laws are changing this. Who will benefit? All of us. For “accessibility” is an issue that, at one time or another, affects us all. This is true whether _ temporarily or permanently _ we use wheelchairs, need grab bars, cannot climb stairs, require easy-to-reach shelves, or rely on easy-to-navigate living spaces. The primary purpose of accessible housing law is to prevent discrimination against people with disabilities, but the end result is a living environment that is more usable for everyone. For example, both the very young and the very old will find an accessible dwelling more comfortable. People with temporary limitations due to injury or illness will find it easier to live in. Such a home will be more welcoming to guests with disabilities.
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Effective July 1, 2007, the Iowa Civil Rights Act (Iowa Code Chapter 216) was expanded to add sexual orientation and gender identity to the list of protected classes. It is now ILLEGAL in Iowa to discriminate against a person because of his/her sexual orientation or gender identity.
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Dans certaines portions des agglomérations (poches de pauvreté de centre-ville, couronnes suburbaines dégradées, espaces périurbains sans aménité), un cumul entre des inégalités sociales (pauvreté, chômage, etc.) et environnementales (exposition au bruit, aux risques industriels, etc.) peut être observé. La persistance de ces inégalités croisées dans le temps indique une tendance de fond : la capacité d'accéder à un cadre de vie de qualité n'est pas équitablement partagée parmi les individus. Ce constat interroge : comment se créent ces inégalités ? Comment infléchir cette tendance et faire la ville plus juste ?¦Apporter des réponses à cette problématique nécessite d'identifier les facteurs de causalités qui entrent en jeu dans le système de (re)production des inégalités urbaines. Le fonctionnement des marchés foncier et immobilier, la « tyrannie des petites décisions » et les politiques publiques à incidence spatiale sont principalement impliqués. Ces dernières, agissant sur tous les éléments du système, sont placées au coeur de ce travail. On va ainsi s'intéresser précisément à la manière dont les collectivités publiques pilotent la production de la ville contemporaine, en portant l'attention sur la maîtrise publique d'ouvrage (MPO) des grands projets urbains.¦Poser la question de la justice dans la fabrique de la ville implique également de questionner les référentiels normatifs de l'action publique : à quelle conception de la justice celle-ci doit- elle obéir? Quatre perspectives (radicale, substantialiste, procédurale et intégrative) sont caractérisées, chacune se traduisant par des principes d'action différenciés. Une méthodologie hybride - empruntant à la sociologie des organisations et à l'analyse des politiques publiques - vient clore le volet théorique, proposant par un détour métaphorique d'appréhender le projet urbain comme une pièce de théâtre dont le déroulement dépend du jeu d'acteurs.¦Cette méthodologie est utilisée dans le volet empirique de la recherche, qui consiste en une analyse de la MPO d'un projet urbain en cours dans la première couronne de l'agglomération lyonnaise : le Carré de Soie. Trois grands objectifs sont poursuivis : descriptif (reconstruire le scénario), analytique (évaluer la nature de la pièce : conte de fée, tragédie ou match d'improvisation ?) et prescriptif (tirer la morale de l'histoire). La description de la MPO montre le déploiement successif de quatre stratégies de pilotage, dont les implications sur les temporalités, le contenu du projet (programmes, morphologies) et les financements publics vont être déterminantes. Sur la base de l'analyse, plusieurs recommandations peuvent être formulées - importance de l'anticipation et de l'articulation entre planification et stratégie foncière notamment - pour permettre à la sphère publique de dominer le jeu et d'assurer la production de justice par le projet urbain (réalisation puis entretien des équipements et espaces publics, financement de logements de qualité à destination d'un large éventail de populations, etc.). Plus généralement, un décalage problématique peut être souligné entre les territoires stratégiques pour le développement de l'agglomération et les capacités de portage limitées des communes concernées. Ce déficit plaide pour le renforcement des capacités d'investissement de la structure intercommunale.¦La seule logique du marché (foncier, immobilier) mène à la polarisation sociale et à la production d'inégalités urbaines. Faire la ville juste nécessite une forte volonté des collectivités publiques, laquelle doit se traduire aussi bien dans l'ambition affichée - une juste hiérarchisation des priorités dans le développement urbain - que dans son opérationnalisation - une juste maîtrise publique d'ouvrage des projets urbains.¦Inner-city neighborhoods, poor outskirts, and peri-urban spaces with no amenities usually suffer from social and environmental inequalities, such as poverty, unemployment, and exposure to noise and industrial hazards. The observed persistence of these inequalities over time points to an underlying trend - namely, that access to proper living conditions is fundamentally unequal, thus eliciting the question of how such inequalities are effected and how this trend can be reversed so as to build a more equitable city.¦Providing answers to such questions requires that the causal factors at play within the system of (re)production of urban inequalities be identified. Real estate markets, "micromotives and macrobehavior", and public policies that bear on space are mostly involved. The latter are central in that they act on all the elements of the system. This thesis therefore focuses on the way public authorities shape the production of contemporary cities, by studying the public project ownership of major urban projects.¦The study of justice within the urban fabric also implies that the normative frames of reference of public action be questioned: what conception of justice should public action refer to? This thesis examines four perspectives (radical, substantialist, procedural, and integrative) each of which results in different principles of action. This theoretical part is concluded by a hybrid methodology that draws from sociology of organizations and public policy analysis and that suggests that the urban project may be understood as a play, whose outcome hinges on the actors' acting.¦This methodology is applied to the empirical analysis of the public project ownership of an ongoing urban project in the Lyon first-ring suburbs: the Carré de Soie. Three main objectives are pursued: descriptive (reconstructing the scenario), analytical (assessing the nature of the play - fairy tale, tragedy or improvisation match), and prescriptive (drawing the moral of the story). The description of the public project ownership shows the successive deployment of four control strategies, whose implications on deadlines, project content (programs, morphologies), and public funding are significant. Building on the analysis, several recommendations can be made to allow the public sphere to control the process and ensure the urban project produces equity (most notably, anticipation and articulation of planning and real- estate strategy, as well as provision and maintenance of equipment and public spaces, funding of quality housing for a wide range of populations, etc.). More generally, a gap can be highlighted between those territories that are strategic to the development of the agglomeration and the limited resources of the municipalities involved. This deficit calls for strengthening the investment abilities of the intermunicipal structure.¦By itself, the real-estate market logic brings about social polarization and urban inequalities. Building an equitable city requires a strong will on the part of public authorities, a will that must be reflected both in the stated ambition - setting priorities of urban development equitably - and in its implementation managing urban public projects fairly.
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When deciding to resort to a PPP contract for the provision of a local public service, local governments have to consider the demand risk allocation between the contracting parties. In this article, I investigate the effects of demand risk allocation on the accountability of procuring authorities regarding consumers changing demand, as well as on the cost-reducing effort incentives of the private public-service provider. I show that contracts in which the private provider bears demand risk motivate more the public authority from responding to customer needs. This is due to the fact that consumers are empowered when the private provider bears demand risk, that is, they have the possibility to oust the private provider in case of non-satisfaction with the service provision, which provides procuring authorities with more credibility in side-trading and then more incentives to be responsive. As a consequence, I show that there is a lower matching with consumers' preferences over time when demand risk is on the public authority rather than on the private provider, and this is corroborated in the light of two famous case studies. However, contracts in which the private provider does not bear demand risk motivate more the private provider from investing in cost-reducing efforts. I highlight then a tradeoff in the allocation of demand risk between productive and allocative efficiency. The striking policy implication of this article for local governments would be that the current trend towards a greater resort to contracts where private providers bear little or no demand risk may not be optimal. Local governments should impose demand risk on private providers within PPP contracts when they expect that consumers' preferences over the service provision will change over time.
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BACKGROUND: The proportion of adults with positive varicella serology is lower in populations from tropical countries. Therefore immigrants to countries with a temperate climate are at risk of acquiring varicella infection during adulthood. METHODS: We tested two different strategies to prevent varicella outbreaks in housing facilities for asylum seekers arriving in the Canton of Vaud, Switzerland. The first strategy consisted of a rapid response with isolation of the affected individuals and vaccination of the susceptible contacts. The second strategy consisted of a general vaccination upon arrival of all asylum seekers aged 15-39 years with no history of chickenpox. RESULTS: From May 2008 to January 2009 we applied the rapid response strategy. Eight hundred and fifty-eight asylum seekers arrived in the Canton and an attack rate of 2.8% (seven cases among 248 exposed asylum seekers) was observed. The mean cost was US$ 31.35 per asylum seeker. The general vaccination strategy was applied from February 2009 to May 2010, a period during which 966 asylum seekers were registered. This second strategy completely prevented any outbreak at a mean cost of US$ 83.85 per asylum seeker. CONCLUSIONS: Of the two analyzed interventions to prevent varicella outbreaks in housing facilities for asylum seekers, the general vaccination strategy was more effective, more sustainable, and ethically preferable, although more costly.
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This paper investigates the prevalence of incapacity in performing daily activities and the associations between household composition and availability of family members and receipt of care among older adults with functioning problems in Spain, England and the United States of America (USA). We examine how living arrangements, marital status, child availability, limitations in functioning ability, age and gender affect the probability of receiving formal care and informal care from household members and from others in three countries with different family structures, living arrangements and policies supporting care of the incapacitated. Data sources include the 2006 Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe for Spain, the third wave of the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing (2006), and the eighth wave of the USA Health and Retirement Study (2006). Logistic and multinomial logistic regressions are used to estimate the probability of receiving care and the sources of care among persons age 50 and older. The percentage of people with functional limitations receiving care is higher in Spain. More care comes from outside the household in the USA and England than in Spain. The use of formal care among the incapacitated is lowest in the USA and highest in Spain.
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We study the two key social issues of immigration and housing in lightof each other and analyse which housing policies work best to distributediversity (racial, economic, cultural) equally across our cities and towns. Inparticular, we compare the impact of direct government expenditure andtax incentives on the housing conditions of immigrants in four Europeancountries: France, Germany, Spain and the United Kingdom. The analysisshows that the different policies which have been adopted in these countrieshave not succeeded in preventing immigrants from being concentratedin certain neighbourhoods. The reason is that housing benefits andtax incentives are normally “spatially blind”. In our opinion, governmentsshould consider immigration indirectly in their housing policies and, forinstance, distribute social housing more evenly across different areas topromote sustainable levels of diversity.
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As with the 1970 Census, the U.S. Department of labor's Employment and Training Administration (ETA) has compiled a series of special reports for the use of program managers and other social scientists concerned with human resources. These reports. which were designed cooperatively by federal, state and local government research staff, include much unpublished data from the 1980 Census Summary Tape Files. The reports in this series cover not only all of the major government and census designated geographic areas in the United States, but also the unique administrative areas that concern program managers.
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[Acte. 1762-03-31. Paris]
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Profile of statistics about housing stock in Iowa.
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Profile of statistics about housing stock in Iowa.