In search of Gustav: The story of the Lilienfeld (later Lynfield) family covering the last 200 years 1800-1920

This is the first of three books about the history of Geoffrey Lynfield's family. It is about four Lilienfeld brothers--Geoffrey Lynfield's grandfather and his brothers. They were born in the Jewish enclave of Marburg and ended up in South Africa when and where the first diamonds were discovered. The manuscript also includes photographs and documents.

Solomon Robert Kagan papers undated, 1920-1955

Contains correspondence, printed material, and photographs relating to Jews in the medical profession, used as a basis for Kagan's several works on Jews in medicine, including the correspondence of members of the American Physicians Fellowship Committee of the Israel Medical Association; includes also correspondence relating to the Near East and the internationalization of Jerusalem, 1945-1954; and personal correspondence. Among the correspondents are Bernard M. Baruch and Christian A. Herter.

Elihu Stone collection undated, 1913-1962.

Collection contains materials pertaining to the life and work of Stone.

The British Intervention in South Russia 1918-1920

Soon after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, a three-year civil war broke out in Russia. As in many other civil wars, foreign powers intervened in the conflict. Britain played a leading role in this intervention and had a significant effect on the course of the war. Without this intervention on the White side, the superiority of numbers in manpower and weaponry of the Bolsheviks would have quickly overwhelmed their opponents. The aim of this dissertation is to explain the nature and role of the British intervention on the southern, and most decisive, front of the Civil War. The political decision making in London is studied as a background, but the focus of the dissertation is on the actual implementation of the British policy in Russia. The British military mission arrived in South Russia in late 1918, and started to provide General Denikin s White army with ample supplies. General Denikin would have not been able to build his army of more than 200,000 men or to make his operation against Moscow without the British matériel. The British mission also organized the training and equipping of the Russian troops with British weapons. This made the material aid much more effective. Many of the British instructors took part in fighting the Bolsheviks despite the orders of their government. The study is based on primary sources produced by British departments of state and members of the British mission and military units in South Russia. Primary sources from the Whites, including the personal collections of several key figures of the White movement and official records of the Armed Forces of South Russia are also used to give a balanced picture of the course of events. It is possible to draw some general conclusions from the White movement and reasons for their defeat from the study of the British intervention. In purely material terms the British aid placed Denikin s army in a far more favourable position than the Bolsheviks in 1919, but other military defects in the White army were numerous. The White commanders were unimaginative, their military thinking was obsolete, and they were incapable of organizing the logistics of their army. There were also fundamental defects in the morale of the White troops. In addition to all political mistakes of Denikin s movement and a general inability to adjust to the complex situation in Revolutionary Russia, the Whites suffered a clear military defeat. In South Russia the Whites were defeated not because of the lack of British aid, but rather in spite of it.

Deutschland, Deutschland über alles : Tysk föreningsverksamhet i Finland och Sverige 1910-1950

The voluntary associations dealt with in this dissertation were ethnic clubs and societies promoting the interests of German immigrants in Finland and Sweden. The associations were founded at the end of the 19th century as well as at the beginning of the 20th century during a time in which migration was high, the civil society grew rapidly and nationalism flourished. The work includes over 70 different associations in Finland and Sweden with a number of members ranging from ten to at most 2, 500. The largest and most important associations were situated in Helsinki and Stockholm where also most of the German immigrants lived. The main aim of this work is to explore to what extent and how the changes in government in Germany during 1910 to 1950 were reflected in the structures and participants, financial resources and meeting places, networks and activities of the German associations in Finland and Sweden. The study also deals with how a collective German national identity was created within the German associations. The period between 1910 and 1950 has been described by Hobsbawm as the apogee of nationalism. Nationalism and transnationalism are therefore key elements in the work. Additionally the research deals with theories about associations, networking and identity. The analysis is mostly based on minutes of meetings, descriptions of festivities, annual reports and historical outlines about the associations. Archival sources from the German legations, the German Foreign Office, and Finnish and Swedish officials such as the police and the Foreign Offices are also used. The study shows that the collective national identity in the associations during the Weimar Republic mostly went back to the time of the Wilhelmine Empire. It is argued that this fact, the cultural propaganda and the aims of the Weimar Republic to strengthen the contacts between Germany and the German associations abroad, and the role of the German legations and envoys finally helped the small groups of NSDAP to infiltrate, systematically coordinate and finally centralize the German associational life in Finland and Sweden. The Gleichschaltung did not go as smoothly as the party wanted, though. There was a small but consistent opposition that continued to exist in Finland until 1941 and in Sweden until 1945. The collective national identity was displayed much more in Sweden than in Finland, where the associations kept a lower profile. The reasons for the profile differences can be found in the smaller number of German immigrants in Finland and the greater German propaganda in Sweden, but also in the Finnish association act from 1919 and the changes in it during the 1920s and 1930s. Finally, the research shows how the loss of two world wars influenced the associations. It argues that 1918 made the German associations more vulnerable to influence from Germany, whereas 1945 brought the associational life back to where it once started as welfare, recreational and school associations.

Collecção das Leis da Republica dos Estados Unidos do Brazil de 1919

Parte 1 - Atos do Poder Legislativo

Inscribir el declive en el tiempo. Detroit: Auge y crisis de la ciudad industrial

A comienzos del siglo XX, Detroit era una ciudad dinámica en pleno desarrollo. Pronto se convirtió en la cuarta ciudad de Estados Unidos, la capital de la naciente industria automovilística. El crecimiento se prolongó hasta finales de los años 50, cuando, a pesar del auge económico de Estados Unidos y de su área metropolitana, Detroit comenzó a mostrar los primeros signos de estancamiento. La crisis se ha prolongado hasta hoy, cuando Detroit constituye el paradigma de la ciudad industrial en declive. Estas dos imágenes contrapuestas, el auge y la crisis, no parecen explicar por sí mismas las causas de la intensidad y persistencia del declive de Detroit. Analizar las interacciones entre crecimiento económico, políticas públicas locales y desarrollo urbano a lo largo del tiempo permitirá subrayar las continuidades y comprender en qué medida el declive de Detroit ancla sus raíces en el modelo planteado durante la etapa de auge.

Berlin, la Wilhelmstrasse [ministère de l'agriculture de 1919 à 1945] : [photographie de presse] / [Agence Rol]

Référence bibliographique : Rol, 58522

A Londonderry [juin 1920, soldat britannique couché à terre] en attente : [photographie de presse] / [Agence Rol]

Référence bibliographique : Rol, 59873

Canadian Willite advertisement, ca. 1920.

Consists of an advertising broadsheet (circa 1920) for Canadian Willite, a permanent asphaltic pavement. This product was used on River Road in Niagara Falls, Canada. The broadsheet features a segment titled "The Road Fit for a Prince" about the Prince of Wales visit to Niagrara Falls on October 20, 1919.

La nazification de l'Allemagne perçue à travers la presse alsacienne francophone (1933-1939)

À l'aube des années 1930, l'Alsace partage un passé trouble avec la France et l'Allemagne. Alors que la région est redevenue française après la Première Guerre mondiale en 1919, Paris éprouve de la difficulté à la réintégrer à la République, parce qu'il ne comprend pas que les quarante ans de l'Alsace au sein du Reich allemand ont bouleversé la vie régionale aux niveaux politique, culturel, religieux et linguistique. La France ne perçoit pas le particularisme des populations retrouvées et leur volonté de conserver les valeurs qui leur sont chères. L'autonomisme alsacien des années 1920 et la répression du mouvement par les autorités françaises mettent à mal les relations entre Paris et Strasbourg. Alors que le début des années 1930 se déroule sur ce fond de tensions, l'arrivée d'Adolf Hitler au pouvoir en 1933 en Allemagne modifie radicalement la donne. Le présent mémoire s'interroge sur la perception par la presse alsacienne francophone de la montée du nazisme en Allemagne, de 1933 à 1939. L'Alsace remet-elle en question son allégeance à une France qui démontre des signes de faiblesses et qui ne comprend pas la région ou préfère-t-elle une Allemagne forte et stable? En consultant des journaux de différentes orientations politiques et religieuses, soit Les dernières nouvelles de Strasbourg, Le nouvelliste d'Alsace, Le Lorrain et L'éclair de l'Est, nous avons analysé l'opinion de la presse alsacienne sur les événements allemands des années 1930. Il apparaît évident que la presse francophone n'est pas en faveur d'un retour avec le Reich. Néanmoins, l'allégeance à la France n'est pas aussi nette que le laisse croire l'historiographie à ce sujet. Jusqu'en mars 1938, la presse alsacienne francophone ne revendique pas de statut particulier, insatisfaite qu'elle est des options qui s'offrent à elle, autant du côté de la France que de l'Allemagne. Le point de vue de la région change régulièrement. Alors que Hitler attire tous les regards en 1933, la situation politique instable en France ainsi que les décisions du Front populaire sont le point de mire pour la presse alsacienne francophone à partir de 1936. Ce n'est que lorsque la guerre semble inévitable qu'elle se range derrière la République française.