Courts and Consociations:How human rights courts may destabilize power-sharing settlements

We consider the use of consociational arrangements to manage ethno-nationalist, ethno-linguistic, and ethno-religious conflicts, and their compatibility with non-discrimination and equality norms. Key questions include to what extent, if any, consociations conflict with the dictates of global justice and the liberal individualist preferences of international human rights institutions, and to what extent consociational power-sharing may be justified to preserve peace and the integrity of political settlements. In three critical cases, the European Court of Human Rights has considered equality challenges to important consociational practices, twice in Belgium and, most recently, in Sejdic and Finci, concerning the constitutional arrangements established for Bosnia Herzegovina under the Dayton Agreement. The Court’s recent decision in Sejdic and Finci has significantly altered the approach it previously took to judicial review of consociational arrangements in the Belgian cases. We seek to account for this change and assess its implications. We identify problematic aspects of the judgment and conclude that, although the Court’s decision indicates one possible trajectory of human rights courts’ reactions to consociations, this would be an unfortunate development because it leaves future negotiators in places riven by potential or manifest bloody ethnic conflicts with considerably less flexibility in reaching a settlement. That in turn may unintentionally contribute to sustaining such conflicts and make it more likely that advisors to negotiators will advise them to exclude regional and international courts from having standing in the management of political settlements.

Indigenous knowledges and power in friction with human rights and development discourses : the case of the Witoto Ethnic Safeguarding Plan in the Colombian Amazon

Cette thèse analyse les négociations interculturelles des Gens du Centre (groupe amazonien multi-ethnique) avec les discours universels de droits humains et de développement mobilisés par l’État colombien. L’analyse se concentre sur le Plan de sauvegarde ethnique Witoto chapitre Leticia (ESP), qui est un des 73 plans formulés et implémentés par l’État colombien pour reconnaître les droits des peuples autochtones en danger par le déplacement forcé causé par les conflits armés internes. J’analyse l’ESP à travers la notion de friction (Tsing, 2005) qui fait référence aux caractéristiques complexes, inégalitaires et changeantes des rencontres contemporaines entre les différences des savoirs locaux et globaux. Mon analyse se base aussi sur des approches foucaldiennes et/ou subalternes de pouvoir comme la recherche anticoloniale et de la décolonisation, les perspectives critiques et contre-hégémoniques des droits humains, le post-développement, et les critiques du féminisme au développement. L’objectif de la thèse est d’analyser les savoirs (concepts de loi, de justice et de développement); les logiques de pensée (pratiques, épistémologies, rôles et espaces pour partager et produire des savoirs); et les relations de pouvoir (formes de leadership, associations, réseaux, et formes d’empowerment et disempowerment) produits et recréés par les Gens du Centre au sein des frictions avec les discours de droits humains et du développement. La thèse introduit comment la région habitée par les Gens du Centre (le Milieu Amazone transfrontalier) a été historiquement connectée aux relations inégalitaires de pouvoir qui influencent les luttes actuelles de ce groupe autochtone pour la reconnaissance de leurs droits à travers l’ESP. L’analyse se base à la fois sur une recherche documentaire et sur deux terrains ethnographiques, réalisés selon une perspective critique et autoréflexive. Ma réflexion méthodologique explore comment la position des chercheurs sur le terrain influence le savoir ethnographique et peut contribuer à la création des relations interculturelles inclusives, flexibles et connectées aux besoins des groupes locaux. La section analytique se concentre sur comment le pouvoir circule simultanément à travers des échelles nationale, régionale et locale dans l’ESP. J’y analyse comment ces formes de pouvoir produisent des sujets individuels et collectifs et s’articulent à des savoirs globaux ou locaux pour donner lieu à de nouvelles formes d’exclusion ou d’émancipation des autochtones déplacés. Les résultats de la recherche suggèrent que les Gens du Centre approchent le discours des droits humains à travers leurs savoirs autochtones sur la « loi de l’origine ». Cette loi établit leur différence culturelle comme étant à la base du processus de reconnaissance de leurs droits comme peuple déplacé. D’ailleurs, les Gens du Centre approprient les discours et les projets de développement à travers la notion d’abondance qui, comprise comme une habileté collective qui connecte la spiritualité, les valeurs culturelles, et les rôles de genre, contribue à assurer l’existence physique et culturelle des groupes autochtones. Ma thèse soutient que, même si ces savoirs et logiques de pensée autochtones sont liés à des inégalités et à formes de pouvoir local, ils peuvent contribuer à des pratiques de droits humains et de développement plurielles, égalitaires et inclusives.

La detenzione amministrativa degli stranieri. Nuove frontiere in materia di liberta' personale

La detenzione amministrativa degli stranieri, pur condividendo il carattere tipicamente afflittivo e stigmatizzante delle pene, non si fonda sulla commissione di un reato e non gode delle medesime garanzie previste dal sistema della giustizia penale. Nel nostro ordinamento l’inadeguatezza della legislazione, l’ampio margine di discrezionalità rimesso all’autorità di pubblica sicurezza, nonché il debole potere di sindacato giurisdizionale rimesso all’autorità giudiziaria, raggiungono il loro apice problematico nell’ambito delle pratiche di privazione della libertà personale che hanno per destinatari gli stranieri maggiormente vulnerabili, ossia quelli appena giunti sul territorio e il cui status giuridico non è ancora stato accertato (c.d. situazione di pre-admittance). E’ proprio sulla loro condizione che il presente lavoro si focalizza maggiormente. Le detenzioni de facto degli stranieri in condizione di pre-admittance sono analizzate, nel primo capitolo, a partire dal “caso Lampedusa”, descritto alla luce dell’indagine sul campo condotta dall’Autrice. Nel secondo capitolo viene ricostruito lo statuto della libertà personale dello straniero sulla base dei principi costituzionali e, nel terzo capitolo, sono analizzati i principi che informano il diritto alla libertà personale nell’ambito delle fonti sovranazionali, con particolare riferimento al diritto dell’Unione Europea e al sistema della Convenzione Europea dei Diritti dell’Uomo. Sulla scorta dei principi indagati, nel quarto capitolo è tracciata l’evoluzione legislativa in materia di detenzione amministrativa dello straniero in Italia e, nel quinto capitolo, è approfondito il tema dei Centri dell’immigrazione e delle regole che li disciplinano. Nelle conclusioni, infine, sono tirate le fila del percorso tracciato, attraverso la valutazione degli strumenti di tutela in grado di prevenire le pratiche di privazione della libertà informali e di garantire uno standard minimo nella tutela della libertà individuale, anche nelle zone di frontiera del nostro ordinamento.

The future of human rights protection in the new Libya: prospects and challenges. Jean Monnet Occasional Paper No. 6/2014

There is no doubt that demand for the respect of human rights was one of the factors behind the Arab Spring and Libya is no exception. Four decades of absolute dictatorship headed by Muammar Gaddafi had been further tainted with gross violations of human rights of Libyan citizens and restrictions on their basic freedoms. Before the revolution, Libya was a country where no political parties were allowed. Freedom of expression and the press were extremely restricted. Reports about the country’s human rights violations published by a number of international organizations documented large scale human rights abuses at the hands of the Gaddafi regime. The 17 February 2011 revolution in Libya led to a turning point in the country’s history. The regime of Muammar Gaddafi which had dominated the country since 1969 eventually collapsed, leading to the beginning of the painful task of reconciliation and state building. Nonetheless it is estimated that more than 7000 prisoners are held captive by various militias and armed groups without due process. This in addition to thousands of internally displaced persons. State building involves the consolidation of a democratic state based on a democratic constitution. In 2011, a constitutional declaration was adopted to replace the one that had been in effect since 1969. This was intended as a stop-gap solution to allow the new political forces unleashed in the country time to write a new democratic constitution. To help consolidate the democratic state, three elements are required: that human rights be placed at its core; that these rights are truly implemented and applied; and lastly that the independence of the judiciary is safeguarded. For all this to happen it is also essential to strengthen education on human rights by encouraging non-governmental organizations to take a stronger role in promoting human rights. Libyan citizens can only avail themselves of these rights and strengthen their implementation if they know what they are and how they can benefit from their implementation

The EU-Central Asia Human Rights Dialogues: Making a Difference? EUCAM Policy Brief No. 16, April 2011

Structured human rights dialogues are held with each of the five Central Asian republics. They are designed to discuss questions of mutual interest and enhance cooperation on human rights as well as to raise the concerns of the EU on human rights in Central Asia. In addition, the dialogues seek to involve human rights activists, NGO members, and academia representatives from both Europe and Central Asia through civil society seminars. But is this working? Is improvement in human rights noticeable in the region? This policy brief reviews and evaluates the performance of the dialogues to date, paying specific attention to the shortcomings of the existing practices, and provides recommendations for what could be improved with regard to planning and procedures.

The European Court of Justice blocks the EU’s accession to the ECHR. CEPS Commentary, 8 January 2015

The goal of accession to the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) is to place the EU under the external oversight of the specialised court in Strasbourg. But in its Opinion of 18 December 2014 the Luxembourg-based European Court of Justice ruled that the draft accession agreement is not compatible with the EU treaties. In this commentary the authors argue that this would force EU member states to renegotiate the terms of accession to the ECHR. But meeting the demands made by the Court of Justice will prove to be very difficult.

Por que mudar? Uma análise da transformação da jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal sobre a prisão civil de depositário infiel e da teoria dos precedentes

Por que uma corte muda seu posicionamento sobre determinado assunto? Esse trabalho objetiva analisar quais seriam as eventuais alegações e razões que acompanham a mudança de um precedente horizontal, quando da ocorrência de mudança de entendimento de um tribunal. Ainda que observando as diferenças na doutrina do stare decisis entre o commom law e o civil law no que tange à vinculação aos precedentes horizontais das Cortes, a pesquisa possui como foco a não aplicação dede um precedente horizontal do Supremo Tribunal Federal - STF sobre depositário infiel e hierarquia normativa de tratados de direitos humanos. Com vistas a analisar e classificar as manifestações dos Ministros, nesse caso em tela, procurou-se um enquadramento que oferecesse uma sistematização das razões mais comuns para uma Corte não seguir um precedente. Para tanto, foram estudados casos em que a Suprema Corte Americana alterou entendimento consolidado em precedentes horizontais e identificados os fundamentos que acompanharam a revogação dos precedentes.

Prisão preventiva: direito à razoável duração e necessidade de prazo legal máximo

O direito à razoável duração do processo, inserido expressamente no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro a partir do advento da Emenda Constitucional 45/2004, já poderia ser inferido desde a incorporação da Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos, bem como ser considerado um corolário da garantia do devido processo legal. Todo indivíduo tem o direito a um processo sem dilações indevidas, em especial aquele que se encontre submetido a uma prisão preventiva, medida cautelar pessoal de extrema gravosidade. Nesse contexto, exsurge o direito que o indivíduo preso preventivamente tem de que o seu processo seja julgado em um prazo razoável ou de que ele seja desencarcerado, caso preso além da necessidade fática contida no caso concreto. Entretanto, a interpretação da garantia não pode restar somente à livre vontade dos aplicadores do direito, sendo necessária uma regulamentação legal efetiva da duração da prisão preventiva, por meio de prazos concretos nos quais o sujeito deverá ser posto em liberdade, ante a desídia estatal. Incorporando experiências estrangeiras, deve o legislador pátrio adotar marcos temporais legais, em que a prisão preventiva deverá cessar, caso excessivamente prolongada. Muito embora no ano de 2011 tenha sido reformada a tutela das medidas cautelares pessoais no Código de Processo Penal, o legislador ordinário não aprovou a imposição de limites de duração da prisão preventiva, permanecendo ao livre arbítrio das autoridades judiciárias a interpretação da garantia em referência. Assim, o Projeto de Lei do Novo Código de Processo Penal, atualmente em trâmite no Congresso Nacional, ao prever limites máximos de duração da prisão preventiva, dá uma efetiva regulamentação à garantia da duração razoável do imputado preso, devendo ser, espera-se, mantido no eventual texto final aprovado.

The gendered effects of family migration law: contextual interpretation as a possible judicial remedy

At all normative levels, family migration law can disproportionally and negatively affect immigrant women’s rights in this field, producing gendered effects. In some cases, such effects are related to the normative and judicial imposition of unviable family-related models (e.g., the ʻgood mother ̕ the one-breadwinner family, or a rigid distinction between productive and reproductive work). In other cases, they are due to family migration law’s overlooking of the specific needs and difficulties of immigrant women, within their families and in the broader context of their host countries’ social and normative framework.To effectively expose and correct this gender bias, in this article I propose an alternative view of immigrant women’s right to family life, as a cluster of rights and entitlements rather than as a mono-dimensional right. As a theoretical approach, this construction is better equipped to capture the complex experiences of immigrant women in the European legal space, and to shed light on the gendered effects generated not by individual norms but by the interaction of norms that are traditionally assigned to separated legal domains (e.g., immigration law and criminal law). As a judicial strategy, this understanding is capable of prompting a consideration by domestic and supranational courts of immigrant women not as isolated individuals, but as ‘individuals in context’. I shall define this type of approach as ‘contextual interpretation’, understood as the consideration of immigrant women in the broader contexts of their families, their host societies and the normative frameworks applicable to them. Performed in a gendersensitive manner, a contextual judicial interpretation has the potential to neutralize the gendered effects of certain family migration norms. To illustrate these points, I will discuss selected judicial examples offered by the European Court on Human Rights, as well as from domestic jurisdictions of countries with a particularly high incidence of immigrant women (Italy and Spain).