Chasing the Green Buck? Environmental Activism in Post-communist Baltic States

The paper investigates the dynamics and volution of issues on the agenda of Baltic environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) since the collapse of communism. The past research on Baltic environment activism suggests that these enjoy high visibility because they tapped the core societal views of natural environment as a crucial asset of a nation. As we demonstrate in this paper, the changes in agendas of Baltic environmental non-governmental organisations (ENGOs) make clear that the rhetorical toolbox of ‘national environment’ is often used to mainly achieve greater financial gains for individual members, rather than for society at large. We illustrate how the dearth of economic opportunities for domestic public has impacted perceptions of ‘nature’ advocated by the environmental activists, focussing specifically on national perceptions of ownership and the resulting actions appropriating ‘nature’ as a source for economic development, only tangentially attaining environmental outcomes on the way. The vision that the ‘environment’ is an economic resource allowed ENGO activists to cooperate with the domestic policymaking, while tapping international networks and donors for funding. Throughout the past decades they worked to secure their own and their members' particularistic economic interests and, as we demonstrate, remained disengaged from the political process and failed to develop broader reproach with publics.

Between Nation and State: Albanian Associations from Ottoman Origins to a Communist Party, 1880 - 1945

This dissertation addresses the broader antecedents of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) as one of a number of associations whose experience was central to Albanian political history. This long experience dates back to the informal national associations formed in the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century. The dissertation examines the role of these associations which, pursuing language rights and political representation through imperial state reforms, set a pattern that struggled to connect nation and state, rather than asserting the territorial demands for a nation-state familiar across the region. Starting out in the Ottoman Empire, but then maturing in the Albanian diaspora in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States, this dissertation shows politically significant processes of longer-term adaptation that created informal associations as institutional structures able to channel collective action. It then traces the reframing of these patterns through their destruction in the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the emergence of communist associations in the interwar period and beyond. This dissertation is a sustained study that traces long-term Ottoman imperial political legacies in the Albanian successor state. The story of the associations, based on hitherto unexamined archival documents, shows that the Albanians possessed a far greater capacity for political mobilization that previously acknowledged by historians. Moreover, the dissertation successfully challenges the conventional wisdom that portrays the Albanians as irreparably divided along sectarian and regional faultlines. It finds that Albanian national activism was civic in character rather than ethnic as elsewhere in the Balkans. The Albanians fought to remain within a multinational framework because this afforded them political security, social advancement and potential economic growth. In the late Ottoman period, this political objective was manifested in the acceptance of the supranational imperial order whereas during the Second World War, in the aspiration to become members of the Comintern internationalist movement. Another important find, is the newly-discovered evidence concerning the founding of the CPA and its wartime conduct as an organization created and led by the Albanians themselves, albeit with Yugoslav ideological assistance under the transnational umbrella of the Comintern.

Cuban Espionage in the U.S.: The W.A.S.P. Network

This flyer promotes the event "Cuban Espionage in the U.S.: The Wasp Network", a panel featuring David M. Buckner, Prosecutor and Hector M. Pesquera, Former Special Agent in Charge, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Miami Field Office. The event was held on October 15, 2015 at the C.A.M.P. 4 Justice Courtroom, Rafael Diaz-Balart Hall Room.

Espionaje y política: la guerra fría y la inteligencia policial uruguaya, 1947-64

Fundamentalmente basado en documentación del Archivo de la Dirección Nacional de Información c Inteligencia de la Policía de Montevideo, este artículo resume una investigación que pretende contribuir en el avance de una "revaloración" de la frecuentada "excepcionalidad democrática" del Uruguay. Para ello, en el texto se documentan los orígenes y evolución de las sistemáticas estrategias de control desplegadas por el Estado uruguayo desde la persecución de "actividades comunistas" en los años 40 hasta la conformación de la doctrina de abatimiento del "enemigo interno" en los 60.Abstract:This article, mainly based on documents from the Archives of National Burcau of Information and Intelligence Police of Montevideo, summarizes research that aims to contribute to the "revaluation" of the popu­lar "democratic exceptionalism" of Uruguay. To do this, this essay documents the origins and evolution of the systematic control strategies deployed by the Uruguayan State since the persecution of "Communist activities" during the 1940s to the formation of the doctrine of abatement "internal enemy" at the 1960s. 

Trabalho, tempo livre e emancipação humana : os determinantes ontologicos das politicas sociais de lazer

Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

Vic Slater during the Youth Campaign against Conscription, Brisbane, Australia

Vic Slater and police during the Youth Campaign against Conscription, Brisbane, Australia in 1965. Victor Charles Slater (now retired) was born in Queensland in March 1944 the only child of Jim and Joyce Slater, card carrying members of the Communist Party of Australia. Vic's mother, Joyce, joined up in Great Britain. Vic too joined the party in 1962 after a stint as president of the Eureka Youth League. He stayed with the more broad left CPA when it split from the hardline Stalinists after the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. Vic joined the Waterside Workers' Federation before his 21st birthday in January 1965, one of 300 casual workers recruited to the Port of Brisbane that year. On the wharves he soon earned the nickname 'the Professor' arriving on the job each day bespectacled and carrying a briefcase heavy with reading matter on world politics and economics - a walking encyclopaedia of information. [information kindly provided by Peter Gray]

Parson speaking at LBJ visit to Brisbane 1966

Parson speaking at LBJ visit to Brisbane, Australia in 1966. Alf Saunders, Communist Party of Australia member and PMG linesman is facing the parson. Demonstrations were held during the visit to Australia by President Lyndon Johnson.

Communism and Carnival: Ralph de Boissieres Crown Jewel and its Australian Context

The Australasian Book Society (ABS) was established in Melbourne in 1952 by a small group ofleft-leaning writers, unionists and literary supporters. It was inspired in part by the success of Frank Hardy's scandalous novel of Labar betrayal, Power Without Glory, which in 1950 had been published independently - and printed secretly - outside the commercial publishing networks. Many of those involved were communists but although the ABS came to operate in accord ,..rith Communist Party cultural politics it was never Simply a Party front nor did it publish only communist writers or communist texts. For the most part it operated under a broader notion of 'progressive' , nationalist or democratic literature.

As peculiaridades da democratização da região do Cáucaso do Sul no contexto da Política Europeia de Vizinhança

O período após o colapso da União Soviética foi o tempo da procura de novas identidades na nova realidade e de escolha de novos parceiros e aliados, o tempo da construção de novos estados e de formulação das regras e normas nacionais. Após o desmoronamento da ideologia soviética - um facto reconhecido oficialmente durante o período da Perestroika –, as pessoas sentiram uma necessidade de preencher o vácuo ideológico e desenvolver uma nova identidade. Foi proclamada a rejeição da estrutura política administrativa herdada da União Soviética e do sistema de economia planificada, e desenvolvida a tendência para a construção do estado democrático fundado numa economia de mercado. As expectativas relativas às transformações no período pós-soviético estavam relacionadas com o Ocidente (EUA e UE), e a construção do estado soberano foi fundada em modelos ocidentais de estado de direito, ‘boa governança’ e a economia de mercado. A UE desempenhou um papel importante na democratização dos estados da região do Sul do Cáucaso através de vários projetos e programas bilaterais e multilaterais no âmbito da Política Europeia de Vizinhança e da Parceria Oriental. Embora as reformas democráticas tenham sido realizadas com vista ao estabelecimento de uma Constituição democrática, à implementação de eleições democráticas e ao desenvolvimento da sociedade civil, fortaleceram, também, ainda mais, a natureza autoritária do poder, impediram a criação de um estado de direito, reforçaram violação dos direitos e das liberdades humanas. (NODIYA, 2003: 30; BAKHMAN, 2003: 17; BADALOV, 2003: 20). Deste modo, o processo da promoção da democracia através das reformas nos três estados do Sul do Cáucaso conduziu à criação de estados de “conteúdo autocrático misto, mas de forma democrática” (CHETERYAN, 2003: 41). Embora seja possível identificar as semelhanças entre os três estados da região do Sul do Cáucaso nas reformas do processo de desenvolvimento, os métodos e meios de implementação de reformas nas realidades dos estados regionais pela administração nacional foram bastante diferentes, por razões associadas às especificidades de cada um (DELCOUR e WOLCZUK, 2013: 3). Cada país é caracterizado pelas suas peculiaridades ao nível da situação geopolítica e diversidade do potencial económico – fatores que definem a trajetória política e económica do estado no período pós-soviético e, em certa medida, influenciam o modo como se desenvolvem as relações com a UE e, portanto, o processo de adoção das reformas e a sua introdução a nível nacional.

Divergent Reactions to Globalization: Labor Unions and the Nafta and the EU Enlargement Process

The 1990s witnessed the launching of two ambitious trade regionalization plans, the Nafta and EU enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe. In contrast to previous projects for the creation or expansion of regional trade blocs, these two projects concerned states at dramatically different levels of economic development: The Nafta involved the very wealthy economies of Canada and the USA and the significantly poorer economy of Mexico, whereas EU enlargement involved the very wealthy economy of the 15 member-state European Union and the significantly poorer economies of former Communist states in Central and Eastern Europe. Ultimately, the Nafta and EU enlargement are responses to the challenges of globalization. Paradoxically, however, they have been met with radically different societal reactions in the wealthy partners that participated in the launching of these processes. This paper focuses on the reaction by labor unions on both sides of the Atlantic. I conclude that while labor relations and welfare institutions constrained the trade policy choices made by labor unions in the United States and Europe, they do not tell the whole story. It would seem that United States labor unions were more sensitive to the potential risks for workers associated to the liberalization of trade than were their European counterparts.

Anàlisi de l'obra cinematogràfica de quatre documentalistes russos o de repúbliques ex-soviètiques : la relació amb les noves tendències del documental i el llegat soviètic

El treball de recerca té com a principal objectiu l'estudi del cinema documental rus contemporani a través de l'obra cinematogràfica d'Alexander Sokurov, Sergei Dvortsevoi, Sergei Loznitsa i Victor Kossakovski. En un primer moment la investigació s'havia encaminat en un estudi comparatiu sobre les noves tendències del documental i els models de realisme proposats des de la Rússia post-comunista. El treball s'ha realitzat a partir de tres vies d'investigació. La primera ha consistit en una exhaustiva recerca bibliogràfica sobre cinema documental i cinema soviètic. La segona s'ha plantejat a partir d'un anàlisi acurat de les diverses pel•lícules. Finalment, la tercera via s'ha desenvolupat a partir d'un treball de camp realitzat durant una estada a Rússia, un període en el qual va ser possible entrevistar dos dels cineastes protagonistes de l'estudi, Sergei Dvortsevoi i Victor Kossakovski, així com el crític de cinema Andrei Xemijakin. També va ser fonamental l'assistència a la taula rodona i la master class impartida per Sergei Loznitsa en el marc del desè aniversari del Màster en Teoria i Pràctica de Documental Creatiu de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Tot i que es poden traçar vincles entre el treball dels quatre cineastes escollits i algunes de les pràctiques contemporànies en l'àmbit de la no-ficció, com pot ser l'experiència de Sergei Loznitsa en el terreny del found-footage, o els documentals experimentals de caràcter assagístic d'Alexander Sokurov, així com la tendència observacional i el pas al cinema de ficció de Segei Dvortsevoi, o l'ús de la tecnologia digital en les últimes pel•lícules de Victor Kossakovski. Tot i aquestes aproximacions, es pot afirmar que el model de realisme proposat per aquests cineastes troba el seu autèntic llegat en el cinema soviètic. Una herència que comença amb el cinema de Dziga Vertov –pioner del documental artístic i revolucionari- i acaba en el d'Artavadz Pelechian.

Anàlisi de l'obra cinematogràfica de quatre documentalistes russos o de repúbliques ex-soviètiques: la relació amb les noves tendències del documental i el llegat soviètic.

El treball de recerca té com a principal objectiu l'estudi del cinema documental rus contemporani a través de l'obra cinematogràfica d'Alexander Sokurov, Sergei Dvortsevoi, Sergei Loznitsa i Victor Kossakovski. En un primer moment la investigació s'havia encaminat en un estudi comparatiu sobre les noves tendències del documental i els models de realisme proposats des de la Rússia post-comunista. El treball s'ha realitzat a partir de tres vies d'investigació. La primera ha consistit en una exhaustiva recerca bibliogràfica sobre cinema documental i cinema soviètic. La segona s'ha plantejat a partir d'un anàlisi acurat de les diverses pel•lícules. Finalment, la tercera via s'ha desenvolupat a partir d'un treball de camp realitzat durant una estada a Rússia, un període en el qual va ser possible entrevistar dos dels cineastes protagonistes de l'estudi, Sergei Dvortsevoi i Victor Kossakovski, així com el crític de cinema Andrei Xemijakin. També va ser fonamental l'assistència a la taula rodona i la master class impartida per Sergei Loznitsa en el marc del desè aniversari del Màster en Teoria i Pràctica de Documental Creatiu de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Tot i que es poden traçar vincles entre el treball dels quatre cineastes escollits i algunes de les pràctiques contemporànies en l'àmbit de la no-ficció, com pot ser l'experiència de Sergei Loznitsa en el terreny del found-footage, o els documentals experimentals de caràcter assagístic d'Alexander Sokurov, així com la tendència observacional i el pas al cinema de ficció de Segei Dvortsevoi, o l'ús de la tecnologia digital en les últimes pel•lícules de Victor Kossakovski. Tot i aquestes aproximacions, es pot afirmar que el model de realisme proposat per aquests cineastes troba el seu autèntic llegat en el cinema soviètic. Una herència que comença amb el cinema de Dziga Vertov –pioner del documental artístic i revolucionari- i acaba en el d'Artavadz Pelechian –cineasta armeni i un dels màxims representatnts del documental poètic-. El treball de recerca ha estat presentat en forma de comunicació en el congrés internacional “IMAGEing Reality: Representing the Real in Film, Television and New Media”, celebrat a Pamplona el mes d'Octubre de 2009. La comunicació s'ha redactat en format article i està pendent de publicació.

How Wages and Employment Adjust to Trade Liberalization: Quasi-Experimental Evidence from Austria

We study the response of regional employment and nominal wages to trade liberalization, exploiting the natural experiment provided by the opening of Central and Eastern European markets after the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1990. Using data for Austrian municipalities, we examine differential pre- and post-1990 wage and employment growth rates between regions bordering the formerly communist economies and interior regions. If the "border regions" are defined narrowly, within a band of less than 50 kilometers, we can identify statistically significant liberalization effects on both employment and wages. While wages responded earlier than employment, the employment effect over the entire adjustment period is estimated to be around three times as large as the wage effect. The implied slope of the regional labor supply curve can be replicated in an economic geography model that features obstacles to labor migration due to immobile housing and to heterogeneous locational preferences.

The European Union Perception of Cuba: From Frustation to Irritation

On Friday May 16, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Cuba summoned the newly-appointed charged’affairs of the European Commission in Havana and announced the withdrawal of the application procedure for membership in the Cotonou Agreement of the Africa, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) countries, and in fact renouncing to benefit from European development aid.1 In a blistering note published in the Granma official newspaper of the Cuban Communist Party, the government blamed the EU Commission for exerting undue pressure, its alleged alignment with the policies of the United States, and censure for the measures taken by Cuba during the previous weeks.2 In reality, Cuba avoided an embarrasin flat rejection for its application. This was the anti-climatic ending for a long process that can be traced back to the end of the Cold War, in a context where Cuba has been testing alternative grounds to substitute for the overwhelming protection of the Soviet Union