935 resultados para Entire functions in the Laguerre-Pölya class
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The inertia-corrected Debye model of rotational Brownian motion of polar molecules was generalized by Coffey et al. [Phys. Rev. E, 65, 32 102 (2002)] to describe fractional dynamics and anomalous rotational diffusion. The linear- response theory of the normalized complex susceptibility was given in terms of a Laplace transform and as a function of frequency. The angular-velocity correlation function was parametrized via fractal Mittag-Leffler functions. Here we apply the latter method and complex-contour integral- representation methods to determine the original time-dependent amplitude as an inverse Laplace transform using both analytical and numerical approaches, as appropriate. (C) 2004 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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We prove that the Frobenius-Perron operator $U$ of the cusp map $F:[-1,1]\to [-1,1]$, $F(x)=1-2 x^{1/2}$ (which is an approximation of the Poincare section of the Lorenz attractor) has no analytic eigenfunctions corresponding to eigenvalues different from 0 and 1. We also prove that for any $q\in (0,1)$ the spectrum of $U$ in the Hardy space in the disk $\{z\in C:|z-q|
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This book examines credit in working class communities since 1880, focusing on forms of borrowing that were dependent on personal relationships and social networks. It provides an extended historical discussion of credit unions, legal and illegal moneylenders (loan sharks), and looks at the concept of ‘financial exclusion’. Initially, the book focuses on the history of tallymen, check traders, and their eventual movement into moneylending following the loss of their more affluent customers, due to increased spending power and an increasingly liberalized credit market. They also faced growing competition from mail order companies operating through networks of female agents, whose success owed much to the reciprocal cultural and economic conventions that lay at the heart of traditional working class credit relationships. Discussion of these forms of credit is related to theoretical debates about cultural aspects of credit exchange that ensured the continuing success of such forms of lending, despite persistent controversies about their use. The book contrasts commercial forms of credit with formal and informal co-operative alternatives, such as the mutuality clubs operated by co-operative retailers and credit unions. It charts the impact of post-war immigration upon credit patterns, particularly in relation to the migrant (Irish and Caribbean) origins of many credit unions and explains the relative lack of success of the credit union movement. The book contributes to anti-debt debates by exploring the historical difficulties of developing legislation in relation to the millions of borrowers who have patronized what has come to be termed the sub-prime sector.
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This article addresses the relative absence of class-based analysis in theatre and performance studies, and suggests the reconfiguration of class as performance rather than as it is traditionally conceived as an identity predicated solely on economic stratification. It engages with the occlusion of class by the ascendancy of identity politics based on race, gender and sexuality and its attendant theoretical counterparts in deconstruction and post-structuralism, which became axiomatic as they displaced earlier methodologies to become hegemonic in the arts and humanities. The article proceeds to an assessment of the development of sociological approaches to theatre, particularly the legacy of Raymond Williams and Pierre Bourdieu. The argument concludes with the application of an approach which reconfigures class as performance to the production of Declan Hughes's play Shiver of 2003, which dramatizes the consequences of the dot.com bubble of the late 1990s for ambitious members of the Irish middle class.
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WecA, an integral membrane protein that belongs to a family of polyisoprenyl phosphate N-acetylhexosamine-1-phosphate transferases, is required for the biosynthesis of O-specific LPS and enterobacterial common antigen in Escherichia coli and other enteric bacteria. WecA functions as an UDP-N-acetylglucosamine (GlcNAc):undecaprenyl-phosphate GlcNAc-1-phosphate transferase. A conserved short sequence motif (His-Ile-His-His; HIHH) and a conserved arginine were identified in WecA at positions 279-282 and 265, respectively. This region is located within a predicted cytosolic segment common to all bacterial homologues of WecA. Both HIHH279-282 and the Arg265 are reminiscent of the HIGH motif (His-Ile-Gly-His) and a nearby upstream lysine, which contribute to the three-dimensional architecture of the nucleotide-binding site among various enzymes displaying nucleotidyltransferase activity. Thus, it was hypothesized that these residues may play a role in the interaction of WecA with UDP-GlcNAc. Replacement of the entire HIHH motif by site-directed mutagenesis produced a protein that, when expressed in the E. coli wecA mutant MV501, did not complement the synthesis of O7 LPS. Membrane extracts containing the mutated protein failed to transfer UDP-GlcNAc into a lipid-rich fraction and to bind the UDP-GlcNAc analogue tunicamycin. Similar results were obtained by individually replacing the first histidine (H279) of the HIHH motif as well as the Arg265 residue. The functional importance of these residues is underscored by the high level of conservation of H279 and Arg265 among bacterial WecA homologues that utilize several different UDP-N-acetylhexosamine substrates.
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Globalisation has led to the establishment of a new hierarchy of leadership. At the helm is the Transnational Capitalist Class (TCC) , which oversees the direction of Multi National Corporations (MNCs) at a global level. Can the TCC, as leaders in the governance agenda, drive a global CSR agenda, or, perhaps, the question should be: do they want to drive a CSR agenda?
The hypothesis of this article is that, as the structure of global leadership and governance has changed, so too has the potential for aligning national CSR agendas to a globally accepted standard. This is unlikely due to systematic limitations inherent in a transitional structural realignment of global leadership. Whereas the design of global leadership has changed due to processes of globalization, the bodies that can regulate this leadership have not developed at the same pace. Regulation on issues such as CSR remains at national, federal and supra--national levels suggesting that TCCs have a free reign in dictating agenda. This new class (TCC) may bear a responsibility for CSR but there is a lack of accountability if it is not fulfilled.
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Substantial increases in participation rates at secondary and third level in recent years have often been assumed to be associated with increased equality of opportunity. However, there is little evidence from elsewhere that expansion per se, except when it takes the form of saturation of the demand from higher classes, leads to a reduction in class inequalities. In exploring the factors that contribute to trends over time, or to a distinctive position in comparison with other countries, we have drawn on the recent literature to argue that the crucial factors are those which affect decisions to continue in education. We have also operated on the assumption that students and their parents rationally consider the costs and benefits associated with educational choices. The most recent evidence relating to the adult population provides no support for the existence of any trend towards equality of educational opportunity. It is, rather consistent with the class reproduction perspective that stresses the ability of privileged classes to maintain their advantages.
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As Laver (1992) notes, people who write about Irish politics frequently describe Ireland as a rather peculiar place. One aspect of this peculiarity is that voters in the Republic of Ireland do not behave like their European counterparts. In particular, Irish voting patterns appear to be only weakly structured by social class. Recent contributions to the debate employing a more sophisticated categorisation of classes have led to some qualification of the 'politics without social bases' description, but still lead to the broad conclusion that any relationship which does exist between social divisions, on the one hand, and party preference, on the other, is, at most, quite marginal. In this paper we draw on data from the 1990 European Values Study to re-examine this issue. We apply a variety of models to the data, including logit regression and diagonal reference models (Sobel 1981, 1984) to explore the complex fashion in which class and political preferences are related in Ireland. We argue that the relationship between such preferences and social divisions are, in fact, greater than has been hitherto thought. In particular, we show the importance of taking into account not only social class but also class origins and class mobility in understanding the nature of political partisanship in the Republic of Ireland.
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Dermot Bolger's The Journey Home (1990) narrates an often hyperbolic and overblown diatribe against a litany of social and political ills, which elicited frequently critical responses to the novel from reviewers. Yet Bolger's seminal work remains both popular and controversial because of its capacity to shock and upbraid the false morality of Irish society--a society that the author considered to be riven by class inequalities and official abuses. Bolger employs sexual abuse as a metonym for political corruption in the novel, and this essay explores The Journey Home's surreal story of youth in a working-class Dublin suburb in light of more recent revelations of Ireland's legacy of institutional sexual abuse.