Religion, anti-slavery, and identity: Irish Presbyterians, the United States, and transatlantic evangelicalism, c. 1820-1914

Scholars have devoted much attention to the causes and consequences of Presbyterian emigration from Ulster to the thirteen colonies before 1776. This article moves beyond the eighteenth century to examine the continued religious links between Presbyterians in Ireland and the United States in the nineteenth century. It begins with an examination of the influence of evangelicalism on both sides of the Atlantic and how this promoted unity in denominational identity, missionary activity to convert Catholics, and revivalist religion during the first half of the century. Though Irish Presbyterians had great affection for their American co-religionists, they were not uncritical, and significant tensions did develop over slavery. The article then examines the religious character of Scotch-Irish or Ulster-Scots identity in the late nineteenth century, which was articulated in response to the alleged demoralising influence of large-scale Irish immigration during and after the Famine of the 1840s, the so-called Romanisation of Catholicism, and the threat of Home Rule in Ireland. The importance of identity politics should not obscure religious developments, and the article ends with a consideration of the origins and character of fundamentalism, perhaps one of the most important cultural connections between Protestants in Northern Ireland and the United States in the twentieth century.

Old Town Glasgow: Squalor, Agitation and City Improvements

In 1862, Glasgow Corporation initiated the first of a series of three legislative acts which would become known collectively as the City Improvements Acts. Despite having some influence on the nature of the built fabric on the expanding city as a whole, the most extensive consequences of these acts was reserved for one specific area of the city, the remnants of the medieval Old Town. As the city had expanded towards all points of the compass in a regular, grid-iron structure throughout the nineteenth century, the Old Town remained singularly as a densely wrought fabric of medieval wynds, vennels, oblique passageways and accelerated tenementalisation. Here, as the rest of the city began to assume the form of an ordered entity, visible and classifiable, one could still find and addresses such as ‘Bridgegate, No. 29, backland, stair first left, three up, right lobby, door facing’ (quoted in Pacione, 1995).

Unsurprisingly, this place, where proximity to the midden (dung-heap) was considered an enviable position, was seen by the authorities as a major health hazard and a source not only of cholera, but also of the more alarming typhoid epidemic of 1842. Accordingly, the demolitions which occurred in the backlands of the Old Town under the first of the acts, the Glasgow Police Act of 1862, were justified on health and medical grounds. But disease was not the only social problem thought to issue from this district. Reports from social reformers including Fredrick Engels suggested that the decay of the area’s physical fabric could be extended to the moral profile of its inhabitants. This was in such a state of degeneracy that there were calls for a nearby military barracks to be relocated to more salubrious climes because troops were routinely coming into contact ‘with the most dissolute and profligate portion of the population’ (Peter Clonston, Lord Provost, June 1861). Perhaps more worrying for the city fathers, however, was that the barracks’ arsenal was seen as a potential source of arms for the militant and often illegal cotton workers’ unions and organisations who inhabited the Old Town as well as the districts to the east. In fact, the Old Town and East End had been the site of numerous working class actions and riots since 1787, including a strike of 60,000 workers in 1820, 100,000 in 1838, and the so-called Bread Riots of 1848 where shouts of ‘Vive La Revolution’ were reported in the Gallowgate.

The events in Paris in 1848 precipitated Baron Hausmann’s interventions into that city. The boulevards were in turn visited by members of Glasgow Corporation and ultimately, it can be argued, provided an example for Old Town Glasgow. This paper suggests that the city improvement acts carried a similarly complex and pervasive agenda, one which embodied not only health, class conflict and sexual morality but also the more local condition of sectarianism. And, like in Paris, these were played out spatially in a extensive reconfiguration of the urban fabric of the Old Town which, through the creation of new streets and a railway yard, not only made it more amenable to large scale military manoeuvres but also, opened up the area to capitalist accumulation. By the end of the works, the medieval heritage of the Old Town had been almost completely razed, the working class and Catholic East End had, through the insertion of the railway yard, been isolated from the city centre and approximately 70,000 people had been made homeless.

Teoria e prática do baixo contínuo em Portugal (1735-1820)

Este projecto de investigação constitui-se por um levantamento e análise da produção teórica (Morato, Pedroso, Gomes da Silva, Solano, Silva Leite, Varela, Fonseca, Marques e Silva e Totti) e de métodos de cariz prático (Mazza, Perez, J. J Santos, Sousa Carvalho, Solano, Policarpo e Marcos Portugal) relacionados ao baixo contínuo em Portugal entre 1735 e 1820. Contextualizando a produção teórica nacional com as influências espanholas, italianas e francesas, e a grande produção portuguesa de partimentos e solfejos com acompanhamento, que é contextualizada com a matriz napolitana.

Contributos para o estudo da pintura mural na arquitectura palatina lisboeta entre o tardo-barroco e o neoclassicismo, 1775-C. 1820

Tese de mestrado, Arte, Património e Teoria do Restauro, Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2011

Europa : paisagem e pensamento : um excurso sobre Teixeira de Pascoaes, Friedrich Hölderlin, José Marinho e Martin Heidegger

Tese de doutoramento, Filosofia (Filosofia em Portugal), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 2014

Tradução directa ou indirecta? A recepção da (primeira) obra de Friedrich Dürrenmatt em Portugal

Neste artigo será feita uma breve apresentação da recepção e da tradução da obra de Friedrich Dürrenmatt (Suíço, 1921-1990) em Portugal, nomeadamente da primeira peça de teatro. Salienta-se, sobretudo, a questão das traduções chegarem a Portugal por via directa ou indirecta.

Uma perspectiva polissistémica sobre as traduções de Friedrich Dürrenmatt

Neste artigo será feita uma análise polissistémica da obra traduzida para o português de Friedrich Dürrenmatt (Suíço, 1921-1990). Recorrendo às opiniões apresentadas por vários articulistas em diversos jornais nacionais, salienta-se, sobretudo, o rumo que as traduções tiveram aquando da viragem do Regime em 1974.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

" Ich habe viele namen " : Polyphonie und Dialogizität im autobiographischen Spätwerk Max Frischs und Friedrich Dürrenmatts

Zusammenfassung: Max Frisch und Friedrich Dürrenmatt, als Dioskuren der Schweizer Literatur zeitlebens aneinandergekettet, haben auf der Suche nach ihrem Selbst immer auch den anderen im Blick. Aus ihrer pointierten, gelegentlich polemischen wechselseitigen Abgrenzung entsteht ein künstlerisch höchst produktiver, impliziter Dialog. Er wird hier erstmals explizit gemacht. Unter den Gesichtspunkten von Polyphonie und Dialogizität wird die Konstruktion und Auflösung des autobiographischen Subjekts untersucht. Diese Fallstudien an einzelnen, repräsentativen Texten der beiden Autoren stellen neue Fragen, die für die gesamte Autobiographiediskussion relevant sind: Bei Dürrenmatts großem ,,Stoffe"-Komplex wird, unter Einbezug der textgenetischen Perspektive, der autobiographische Prozess als das Anprobieren von multiplen Ichs analysiert. Das Problem des Subjekts radikalisiert sich als Problem der Sprache, der "vielen Namen", mit denen sich das Subjekt selbst tauft. Bei Frisch deckt die Studie mit ihrem neuen Ansatz die architektonischen und musikalischen Kompositionsverfahren in "Montauk" und "Holozän" auf, eine Textarchitektur in der Zeit und im Medium der Sprache. Dabei werden bisher unbekannte Entwürfe zu diesen wichtigen Spätwerken Frischs erstmals genutzt und publiziert.

Karta öfver Björneborgs stad upprättad år 1895 af F. J. Lindström

Liittyy julkaisuun Björneborgs stads historia / J. W. Ruuth

La Révolution française : revue historique...

1895/07 (T29)-1895/12.

La Révolution française : revue historique...

1895/01 (T28)-1895/06.