Diversity or perversity?: Award-winning children's literature and the Australian curriculum

Two of the three cross-curriculum priorities for the national Australian Curriculum prescribed by the Australian Curriculum Assessment and Reporting Authority (ACARA) are focussed on what might be called diversity education: “Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander histories and culture”, and "Asia and Australia's Engagement with Asia” (ACARA, “Cross”). One need not be versed in complex rhetorical theory to understand that, laudable and legitimate as such priorities are, their existence implies that mainstream education in Australia has been or is characterised by the marginalisation or erasure of Australia's history—the original Indigenous cultures are not only living and vibrant today, but also have tens of thousands of years’ “head start” on Australia’s settler cultures—and of its geography—Australia is, after all, located in some physical proximity to Asia. Some might even suggest that Australia is in Asia. These temporal and spatial “forgettings” constitute a kind of cultural perversity which the cross-curricular priorities both seek to address and serve to reinscribe. Even as ACARA requires Australian school students to engage with Aboriginal and Asian histories, cultures, societies, they imply that such histories, cultures, and societies are “diverse”, that they are not those of the students in Australian classrooms; producing them as objects of study rather than as lived experience. This should not necessarily be surprising. Michael W. Apple has provocatively argued that: “one of the perverse effects of a national curriculum actually will be to ‘legitimise inequality.’ It may in fact help create the illusion that whatever the massive differences in schools, they all have something in common” (18). In the Australian context, attempts to mitigate such perversity are articulated via the selection of literary texts. As educators move to resource ACARA’s cross-curricular priorities, ACARA notes that “Teachers and schools are best placed to make decisions about the selection of texts in their teaching and learning programs that address the content in the Australian Curriculum while also meeting the needs of the students in their classes” (ACARA, “Advice”). This assertion appears on a webpage called “Advice on selection of literary texts” which is notable first and foremost for its total lack of any literary texts being named, and its list of weblinks pointing to lists of texts compiled elsewhere, by other organisations, and in the main, compiled to serve agendas other than the Australian curriculum. One of the major resources referred to by ACARA for literary text selection is the Children’s Book Council of Australia (CBCA). Of course, the CBCA’s annual book awards do not share ACARA’s educational priorities, but do have a history of being drawn upon by schools as a curriculum resource. In this paper, I consider the literary texts which have been prized by the CBCA in recent years attending to their engagements with Aboriginal cultures.

LED lighting design strategies to enhance window appearance and increase energy savings in daylit office spaces

Vertical windows are the most common and simplest method to introduce daylight to interior spaces of office buildings, while also providing a view and connection to the outside. However, high contrast ratios between windows and surrounding surfaces can cause visual discomfort for occupants and can negatively influence their health and productivity. Consequently, building occupants may try to adapt their working environment through closing blinds and turning on lights in order to improve indoor visual comfort. Such interventions defeat the purpose of daylight harvesting systems and can increase the forecast electric lighting consumption in buildings that include such systems. A simple strategy to prevent these problematic consequences is to reduce the luminance contrasts presented by the window wall by increasing the luminance of areas surrounding the window through the sparing use of energy-efficient supplementary lighting, such light emitting diodes (LEDs). This paper presents the result of a pilot study in typical office in Brisbane, Australia that tests the effectiveness of a supplementary LED lighting system. The study shows an improvement in the appraisal of the visual environment is achieved using the supplementary system, along with up to 88% reductions in luminance contrast at the window wall. Also observed is a 36% reduction in the likelihood of user interventions that would increase energy usage. These results are used as the basis of an annual energy simulation of the test office and indicate that supplementary systems could be used to save energy beyond what is typically realised in side lit office spaces.

Meillä ei ole ikuisia ystäviä eikä ikuisia vihollisia. Ikuisia ovat meidän omat etumme. : Suomen suhteet Kiinan kansantasavaltaan 1949 - 1989

"We have neither Eternal Friends nor Eternal Enemies. We have only Eternal Interests .Finland's Relations with China 1949-1989 The study focuses on the relations between Finland and the People s Republic of China from 1949-1989 and examines how a small country became embroiled in international politics, and how, at the same time, international politics affected Finnish-Chinese relations and Finland s China policy formulation. The study can be divided into three sections: relations during the early years, 1949-1960, before the Chinese and Soviet rift became public; the relations during the passive period during the 1960s and 1970s; and the impact of China s Open Door policy on Finland s China policy from 1978-1989. The diplomatically challenging events around Tiananmen Square and the reactions which followed in Finland bring the study to a close. Finland was among the first Western countries to recognise the People s Republic and to establish diplomatic relations with her, thereby giving Finland an excellent position from which to further develop good relations. Finland was also the first Western country to sign a trade agreement with China. These two factors meant that Finland was able to enjoy a special status with China during the 1950s. The special status was further strengthened by the systematic support of the government of Finland for China's UN membership. The solid reputation earned in the 1950s had to carry Finland all the way through to the 1980s. For the two decades in between, during the passive policy period of the 1960s and 1970s, relations between Finland and the Soviet Union also determined the state of foreign relations with China. Interestingly, however, it appeared that President Urho Kekkonen was encouraged by Ambassador Joel Toivola to envisage a more proactive policy towards China, but the Cultural Revolution cut short any such plan for nearly twenty years. Because of the Soviet Union, Finland held on to her passive China policy, even though no such message was ever received from the Soviet Union. In fact, closer relationships between Finland and China were encouraged through diplomatic channels. It was not until the presidency of Mauno Koivisto that the first high-level ministerial visit was made to China when, in 1984, Foreign Minister Paavo Väyrynen visited the People s Republic. Finnish-Chinese relations were lifted to a new level. Foreign Minister Väyrynen, however, was forced to remove the prejudices of the Chinese. In 1985, when the Speaker of the Finnish Parliament, Erkki Pystynen visited China he also discovered that Finland s passive China policy had caused misunderstandings amongst the Chinese politicians. The number of exchanges escalated in the wake of the ground-breaking visit by Foreign Minister Väyrynen: Prime Minister Kalevi Sorsa visited China in 1986 and President Koivisto did so in 1988. President Koivisto stuck to practical, China-friendly policies: his correspondence with Li Peng, the attitude taken by the Finnish government after the Tiananmen Square events and the subsequent choices made by his administration all pointed to a new era in relations with China.

Worldwide phylogeography of the globally invasive plant: Jatropha gossypiifolia

Dhileepan, Raghu and colleagues recently published their paper 'Worldwide phylogeography of the globally invasive plant: Jatropha gossypiifolia' in Proceedings of the 16th Australian Weeds Conference. They used chloroplast microsatellites to establish patterns of phylogeographic structure in the native and introduced range of Jatropha gossypiifolia, and to determine the origin(s) of introductions and the level of genetic diversity present in native and introduced populations. J. gossypiifolia exhibited limited phylogeographic structure in its native range which was best explained by contemporary movement associated with the ornamental plant trade. Multiple introductions from diverse source locations and no reduction in genetic diversity was found in the introduced range which includes Australia, Africa and Asia. These results have implications for our current biocontrol project.

IUCN classification zones concord with, but underestimate, the population genetic structure of the zebra shark Stegostoma fasciatum in the Indo-West Pacific

The Indo-West Pacific (IWP), from South Africa in the western Indian Ocean to the western Pacific Ocean, contains some of the most biologically diverse marine habitats on earth, including the greatest biodiversity of chondrichthyan fishes. The region encompasses various densities of human habitation leading to contrasts in the levels of exploitation experienced by chondrichthyans, which are targeted for local consumption and export. The demersal chondrichthyan, the zebra shark, Stegostoma fasciatum, is endemic to the IWP and has two current regional International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) Red List classifications that reflect differing levels of exploitation: ‘Least Concern’ and ‘Vulnerable’. In this study, we employed mitochondrial ND4 sequence data and 13 microsatellite loci to investigate the population genetic structure of 180 zebra sharks from 13 locations throughout the IWP to test the concordance of IUCN zones with demographic units that have conservation value. Mitochondrial and microsatellite data sets from samples collected throughout northern Australia and Southeast Asia concord with the regional IUCN classifications. However, we found evidence of genetic subdivision within these regions, including subdivision between locations connected by habitat suitable for migration. Furthermore, parametric FST analyses and Bayesian clustering analyses indicated that the primary genetic break within the IWP is not represented by the IUCN classifications but rather is congruent with the Indonesian throughflow current. Our findings indicate that recruitment to areas of high exploitation from nearby healthy populations in zebra sharks is likely to be minimal, and that severe localized depletions are predicted to occur in zebra shark populations throughout the IWP region.

Interference and management of parthenium: The world's most important invasive weed

Parthenium (Parthenium hysterophorus L.) is one of the most aggressive herbaceous weeds of the Asteraceae family. It is widely distributed, almost across the world and has become the most important invasive weed. Comprehensive information on interference and control of this devastating species is required to facilitate better management decisions. A broad review on the interference and management of this weed is presented here. Inspite of its non-tropical origin, parthenium grows quite successfully under a wide range of environmental conditions. It is spreading rapidly in Australia, Western Africa, Asia, and Caribbean countries, and has become a serious weed of pastures, wastelands, roadsides, railwaysides, water courses, and agricultural crops. The infestations of parthenium have been reported to reduce grain and forage yields by 40–90%. The spread of parthenium has been attributed to its allelopathic activity, strong competitiveness for soil moisture and nutrients, and its capability to exploit natural biodiversity. Allelochemicals released from parthenium has been reported to decrease germination and growth of agronomic crops, vegetables, trees, and many other weed species. Growth promoting effects of parthenium extracts at low concentrations have also been reported in certain crops. Many pre- and post-emergence herbicides have been evaluated for the control of parthenium in cropped and non-cropped areas. The most effective herbicides are clomazone, metribuzin, atrazine, glyphosate, metsulfuron methyl, butachlor, bentazone, dicamba, and metsulfuron methyl. Extracts, residues, and essential oils of many allelopathic herbs (Cassia, Amaranthus, and Xanthium species), grasses (Imperata and Desmostachya species), and trees (Eucalyptus, Azadirachta, Mangifera species, etc.) have demonstrated inhibitory activities on seed germination and seedling growth of parthenium. Metabolites of several fungi, e.g., Fusarium oxysporun and Fusarium monilifonne, exhibit bioherbicidal activity against seeds and seedlings of this weed. Intercropping, displacement by competitive plant species like Cassia species, bisset bluegrass, florgen blugress, buffelgrass, along with the use of biological control agents like Mexican beetle, seed-feeding and stem-boring weevils, stem-galling and leaf-mining moth, and sap-feeding plant hopper, have been reported as possible strategies for the management of parthenium. An appropriate integration of these approaches could help minimize spread of parthenium and provide sustainable weed management with reduced environmental concerns.

Kirkko, Kekkonen ja kommunismi poliittisina kriisivuosina 1958-1962

This study explores the relationship of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland to communism and political power during the period of crises in Finnish foreign relations with the Soviet Union from 1958 to 1962. During this period the USSR repeatedly interfered in Finland´s domestic affairs and limited her foreign political freedom of action. The research subjects for this dissertation are the bishops of the Church of Finland and the newspaper Kotimaa, which can be regarded as the unofficial organ of the church at the time. A typical characteristic of the Church of Finland from the beginning of the twentieth century was patriotism. During the interwar years the church was strongly anti-communist and against the Soviet Union. This tendency was also evident during the Second World War. After the war the Finnish Church feared that the rise of the extreme left would jeopardize its position. The church, however, succeeded in maintaining its status as a state church throughout the critical years immediately following the war. This study indicates that, although the manner of expression altered, the political attitude of the church did not substantially change during the postwar period. In the late 1950s and early 1960s the church was still patriotic and fear of the extreme left was also evident among the leaders of the church. The victory of the Finnish People's Democratic League in the general election of 1958 was an unwelcome surprise to the church. This generated fear in the church that, with Soviet support, the Finnish communists might return to governmental power and the nation could become a people's democracy. Accordingly, the church tried to encourage other parties to set aside their disagreements and act together against the extreme left throughout the period under study. The main characteristics of the church´s political agenda during this period of crisis were to support the Finnish foreign policy led by the president of the republic, Urho Kekkonen, and to resist Finnish communism. The attitude of Finnish bishops and the newspaper Kotimaa to the Cold War in general was generally in agreement with the majority of western Christians. They feared communism, were afraid of the USSR, but supported peaceful co-existence because they did not want an open conflict with the Soviets. Because of uncertainties in Finland's international position the Finnish Church regarded it as necessary to support the Finnish policy of friendship towards the USSR. The Finnish Church considerer it unwise to openly criticize the Soviet Union, tried resist the spread of communism in Finnish domestic policy. This period of foreign policy crises was principally seen by the church as a time when there was a need to strengthen Finland's unstable national position.

Sampling frequency affects estimates of annual nitrous oxide fluxes

Quantifying nitrous oxide (N(2)O) fluxes, a potent greenhouse gas, from soils is necessary to improve our knowledge of terrestrial N(2)O losses. Developing universal sampling frequencies for calculating annual N(2)O fluxes is difficult, as fluxes are renowned for their high temporal variability. We demonstrate daily sampling was largely required to achieve annual N(2)O fluxes within 10% of the best estimate for 28 annual datasets collected from three continents, Australia, Europe and Asia. Decreasing the regularity of measurements either under- or overestimated annual N(2)O fluxes, with a maximum overestimation of 935%. Measurement frequency was lowered using a sampling strategy based on environmental factors known to affect temporal variability, but still required sampling more than once a week. Consequently, uncertainty in current global terrestrial N(2)O budgets associated with the upscaling of field-based datasets can be decreased significantly using adequate sampling frequencies.

Abordagem informacional da política externa brasileira : a participação da CREDN (1995-2011)

O estudo a ser apresentado tem como objetivo analisar a influência dos deputados federais na política externa brasileira, mais especificamente dos deputados da Comissão de Relação Exteriores e Defesa Nacional. A idéia não é criar um novo paradigma de inserção, mas levantar pistas sobre diferentes formas de participação que o legislativo pode ter na condução dessa política no país. Contrariamos as análises que atribuem ao legislativo pouca participação ao processo decisório e focalizam a atuação na aprovação (ou não), dos acordos internacionais enviados pelo Executivo. Nesse sentido, procuramos ir além dessa abordagem tradicional abrindo o leque para outras formas de participação dos deputados federais na política externa brasileira. A politização da política externa e o papel mais ativo da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional (CREDN) têm levado a uma maior atuação do legislativo nessas questões. Principalmente a partir da maior atenção da oposição para as questões de política externa. A política externa foi considerada a política pública mais insulada do debate político-partidário. Mas, agora, os legisladores têm participado e se interessado cada vez mais por estas questões. O Congresso tem utilizado mais seus instrumentos institucionais de fiscalização para monitorar a condução da política externa. Assim, foi analisado o papel da CREDN como mecanismo de aquisição de informação, com o intuito de informar o legislador mediano em termos de política externa. O estudo parte do modelo informacional para encontrar respostas sobre o incentivo que os legisladores teriam em coletar informações (custosas) sobre política externa. Desse modo, procura-se analisar o incentivo dos legisladores em ativar tal política no plenário (Santos e Almeida, 2009; Martin, 2000). De forma cada vez mais extensiva e fiscalizadora, acrescentando informações às políticas formuladas pelo Executivo (Almeida & Santos, 2008)

Tudo nos une, nada nos separa, exceto o futebol: um olhar sobre as relações exteriores entre Brasil e Argentina (1978-2002)

O futebol é um esporte que possui diversas dimensões e que pode ter várias utilidades, usos e implicações tanto na vida dos seres humanos quanto nas relações entre os Estados. Ele pode servir à objetivos políticos de um Estado, pode agir como um veículo de propagação de ideias e valores, pode servir como uma ferramenta de propaganda e prestígio internacionais, pode constituir um instrumento para ganhos econômicos, entre muitas outras utilizações possíveis. No caso do Brasil, o futebol também constitui um elemento importante da identidade nacional e também, por vezes, influi na percepção que os brasileiros têm de seus vizinhos argentinos. A imagem que o Brasil tem da Argentina é de um país soberbo, arrogante e não confiável, todos estereótipos que são constantemente veiculados pelas mídias brasileiras desde muitas décadas atrás. Partindo dessas premissas, a presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar as percepções sobre a Argentina veiculadas na mídia esportiva brasileira, buscando correlacioná-las com as relações exteriores entre Brasil e Argentina. Dessa forma, se buscará averiguar se as mudanças no relacionamento bilateral entre estes, acompanha uma mudança também nas caracterizações e percepções da seleção argentina e de seu país. Para tanto, foram escolhidos quatro períodos que representam momentos-chave da relação bilateral entre esses dois países: as Copas Mundiais de Futebol de 1978, 1982, 1986 e 2002. Cada um desses períodos escolhidos possui um contexto diferente, de maior amizade ou rivalidade entre esses países vizinhos, propiciando uma análise da relação entre as percepções veiculadas na mídia esportiva e a relações exteriores entre Brasil e Argentina em diferentes contextos temporais e políticos.

O Itamaraty e a cultura brasileira: 1945-1964

Esta dissertação propõe-se a estudar o modus operandi do Ministério das Relações Exteriores do Brasil (Itamaraty) na condução de sua política cultural externa entre 1945 e 1964. A pesquisa articulou, analiticamente, os diversos fatores envolvidos, tais como os antecedentes históricos desta dimensão da política externa brasileira, as discussões no âmbito da política interna do país, os desafios e evoluções pelas quais passou a cultura nacional. O contexto internacional do período e as ações culturais empreendidas pelo Itamaraty foram os fios condutores para a formulação da principal hipótese da dissertação: a de que o Itamaraty, a despeito de momentos de inflexão e refluxo, forjou uma sólida tradição no planejamento e execução de uma política cultural brasileira no exterior que, por sua vez, tornou-se elemento fundamental na construção da imagem internacional do Brasil.

O Universo da música na Política Externa Brasileira

Esta pesquisa tem como base da ideia de que a música popular brasileira, desde a proclamação da república, sempre foi um importante instrumento da diplomacia cultural do país. Nesse sentido, tentamos demonstrar as maneiras pelas quais o governo brasileiro tentou difundir externamente essa expressão cultural, as motivações que permearam essas iniciativas e os seus resultados. Por outro lado, tentamos, também, analisar os processos que levaram a formação, desenvolvimento e consolidação da indústria da internacional da música, como forma de entender os constrangimento e desafios impostos a tal política cultural externa brasileira. Nessa pesquisa, foi dada, ainda, um especial destaque aos governos de Lula da Silva, um período identificado como decisivo nos rumos da política cultural do país, em função de sua ampliação ao estímulo da produção e da difusão, interna e externa, da música brasileira. A mudança se deu na ampliação das ações culturais do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, mas, principalmente, do inédito protagonismo do Ministério da Cultura junto ao Itamaraty. Nesse sentido, o objetivo geral desta dissertação é analisar até que ponto a música brasileira tem uma capacidade real de se internacionalizar e, dessa forma - dentro das discussões atuais acerca do papel que a economia da cultura teria para o desenvolvimento nacional -, se converter num vetor do desenvolvimento brasileiro e da ampliação da influência do país no sistema internacional.

Important state papers : declaration of war, Washington, June 18, 4 o'clock, P.M.

Message to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States / James Madison -- Report : the Committee on Foreign relations, to whom was referred the message of the President of the United States of the 1st of June, 1812 -- An Act, declaring war between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America and their territories -- Address of the Senate to the people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting documents relative to the commencement and progress of any acts or system of retaliation upon prisoners of war, by the Governments of Great Britain and the United States. --

13th Congress, 3d session. House. Doc. no. 13.

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting communications from the plenipotentiaries of the United States charged with negotiating peace with Great Britain : showing the conditions on which alone that government is willing to put an end to the war. --

13th Congress, 3d session. House. Doc. 6.