926 resultados para Ações políticas corporativas


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The State and Public Administration have gone through several reforms in search of a quick operation and the provision of services with quality. With the democratization of the country and the issue of the Constitution in 1988, further reform of the State and Public Administration, joined the government agenda in 1995 and included among its objectives, the principles of participation and social control. In view of this, it raises the Public Ombudsman in order to be a channel for the participation of users in the management of public affairs, social control, transparency of administrative actions, improving the quality of service and meeting the needs of the community. The aim of this study is to assess whether the Ombudsman of the State Department of Public Health to contribute to the period 2006-2008, for the improvement of specialized consulting services. The research is characterized as descriptive, qualitative approach. The collection technique used was the interview, conducted with 37 service users and two servants of the Ombudsman. The analysis was developed based on the perception of users and servers in the opinion of the Ombudsman. The most relevant results of the research showed that 41% of users search the Ombudsman because they believed that solve the problem presented. However, even with this level of public acceptance, the Ombudsman reached average index of resolvability of 53% in the period. In his role has not developed mechanisms for quality control of services, which is mentioned by 67% of users. It turned out the same fact in relation to popular participation, which is confirmed by 84% of users. For 24% of users, the problems raised were resolved, and of these, 56% believe that the Ombudsman has contributed to the positive outcome. As a result of the search results, it appears that the Ombudsman's SESPA / PA, is not fulfilling its role to ensuring the democratization of articipation in management, social control and has limited contribution to solving the problems of users and to improve the quality of services

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The objective is to analyze the relationship between risk and number of stocks of a portfolio for an individual investor when stocks are chosen by "naive strategy". For this, we carried out an experiment in which individuals select actions to reproduce this relationship. 126 participants were informed that the risk of first choice would be an asset average of all standard deviations of the portfolios consist of a single asset, and the same procedure should be used for portfolios composed of two, three and so on, up to 30 actions . They selected the assets they want in their portfolios without the support of a financial analysis. For comparison we also tested a hypothetical simulation of 126 investors who selected shares the same universe, through a random number generator. Thus, each real participant is compensated for random hypothetical investor facing the same opportunity. Patterns were observed in the portfolios of individual participants, characterizing the curves for the components of the samples. Because these groupings are somewhat arbitrary, it was used a more objective measure of behavior: a simple linear regression for each participant, in order to predict the variance of the portfolio depending on the number of assets. In addition, we conducted a pooled regression on all observations by analyzing cross-section. The result of pattern occurs on average but not for most individuals, many of which effectively "de-diversify" when adding seemingly random bonds. Furthermore, the results are slightly worse using a random number generator. This finding challenges the belief that only a small number of titles is necessary for diversification and shows that there is only applicable to a large sample. The implications are important since many individual investors holding few stocks in their portfolios

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The research aimed to understand the challenges for the implementation of the proposed integration between the Civil Police and the Military Police in Rio Grande do Norte to the proposals of the SUSP. This study aimed to explore the gap with regard to the deepening of the possible causes that may hinder the implementation of integrated working between the police in public security, through a specific analysis on the state of Rio Grande do Norte. Was based on a theoretical framework that includes policies: general concepts, the steps of a public policy, the implementation stage , public security : conceptual definitions, policies on security in Brazil, the structure of public security in Brazil and systems police, Military Police x Civil Police: Roles and conflicts , integrating public security: the challenges to be overcome, the Unified public Safety (SUSP) and the main difficulties in the integration of the police. Being classified as to the purposes as an exploratory research on how to approach ranks as qualitative. The research unit was the Center for Integrated Operations Public Safety (CIOSP) through three subjects who were the chief CIOSP, the representative of the military police acting with the CIOSP, and representative civil police also active with the CIOSP. These subjects were chosen because of the understanding that individuals occupying senior positions would have more ability to respond to questions that guide the research problem. Data were collected through a set of interviews, qualitative data analysis was performed based content analysis, based on the definition of categories of analysis, gated time cross. With the results, it was revealed that the main problems of integration between the state police are treatment protocols, lack of political will and lack of infrastructure. The relationship between the Military Police and Civil Police in Rio Grande do Norte has differing cultural aspect, but can be considered as good value, professionalism and integrated operations. The implementation of CIOSP-RN followed the characteristics of the top-down model, the main difficulties in implementing the proposals of the SUSP, lack of own resources, the lack of standardization in public safety and the lack of professional training of public safety. It was concluded that with respect to the challenges to the implementation of the proposed integration between the Civil Police and the Military Police in Rio Grande do Norte to the proposals of the SUSP, the actions follow the characteristics of the top-down model, with no autonomy of administrators public to say in decisions, which restricts the view of the public safety of the state

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En 2003, le gouvernement brésilien (gestion Lula) a initié une nouvelle phase dans son histoire de l habitation, en intensifiant les constructions de logements sociaux au Brésil. Un tel accroissement a eut des répercussions tant en ville comme à la campagne, et fût marqué dans le Rio Grande do Norte, par la production a grande échelle d ensembles d habitations, dans les programmes de Gouvernement. Afin de viabiliser ces transformations, des instruments politiques, financiers et de gestion ont étés articulés conjointement, utilisant la répétition d une typologie d édification, comme modèle, accompagnée de la reproduction d une morphologie dans les constructions de logements sociaux. Afin de comprendre ce processus nous introduisons une recherche urbanistique et socio-économique du problème du logement social au Brésil, en cherchant à mettre en relation les aspects techniques avec les questions historique, professionnelles et culturelles, éléments complémentaires. Notre analyse cherche a identifier comment les politiques de gestion et financement officielles (administrées dans sa grande majorité par la Caisse Économique Fédérale -CEF-), influencent le processus de conception de projets, en provoquant les répétitions de type/morphologiques, déjà citées. Basée sur l observation directe au cour de deux expériences différenciées pour du logement social en milieu rural, au Rio Grande do Norte, nous montrerons aussi certaines limitations et possibilités des acteurs sociaux, face aux agents et politiques officielles pour le logement social au Brésil, proposant des solutions alternatives standardisées qui caractérisent le résultat des projets financées et gérés par la CEF. Nos principales références théoriques et méthodologiques sont Nabil Bonduki (1998), David Harvey (2009,1982), Henry Lefèbvre (1970), Ermínia Maricato (2010, 2009, 2000, 1987) et Raquel Rolnik (2010, 2009, 2008, 1997)

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The study analyzed regarding cultural policies developed in the city of North-EC Limoeiro by the Municipal Culture and Tourism (Semuc) in the period between the years 2005 and 2010. Period that marks the resumption of the figure of the State Ministry of Culture (MinC) as a major factor in formulating and implementing public policies in the area of culture in the country, especially with the creation of the National Culture System (CNS) and the preparation of National Culture Plan (NCP). The work was through research documents (laws) about what had legislated on culture in the city, the reports of consultation activities undertaken by Semuc and interviews with former managers, a former - employee and the Secretary of that folder. Thus, given the contemporary context where the culture is replaced by increasing visibility, the analysis undertaken on policies developed by cultural Semuc revealed the most diverse forms of action: investment in events (capture and promotion), the institution permanent cultural policies, cultural background, the appreciation of local culture, and specific actions

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The research aims to analyze the reasons and the unique role of prosecutors in the promotion of public policies. The opening lines deal with the evolution and expansion of the general theory of the fundamental rights in the international and national levels and that have led to the creation of a welfare state concerned with carrying out positive actions which aim at the community well-being. Thus, it is clear that, after the uneven development of the Brazilian democracy, the Constitution of 1988 not only has erected to a state socially responsible, but also built a system of guarantees which highlights the significant expansion of the Powers of the Public Ministry and has now taken an outstanding position in regard to collective rights, allowing, at the same time, its members to perform the syndication of state actions, particularly public policies, correcting the course of these administrative processes in the presence of poor management and inactivity of the public administrator when acting in defense of fundamental rights. This ministerial activism, even facing the obstacles and boundaries submitted to its pursuit, has shown an increase in actions that culminated, in the last ten years, in a significant number of judicial and extrajudicial measures that indicated the correction of public policies and actions in areas of health, education, housing and the environment. In this process of monitoring and doing, the important role of the other social characters is highlighted, especially the one of the citizen who is responsible for most of the complaints that start the initiatives of the Public Ministry and that can be deployed through a significant list of judicial and extrajudicial instruments, especially the important procedure that allows the hearing and participation of the involved in the implementation of public policies, enabling a collective even a consensual solution of the matter generated among the Public Administration. Given these initiatives, the ministerial activism has established itself as a movement of its own characteristics, aimed to guarantee the fundamental rights, especially when these are not targeted by state actions that should contribute to the achievement of the democratic state of law idealized by the Federal Constitution without any distortion of direction. Nevertheless, this activism still seeks for its full accomplishment in the practical world

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Family farming has been considered as the new axis of rural development in the country, the focus of several public policies, especially the National Program for Strengthening Family Agriculture - PRONAF and Food Purchase Program - PAA. PRONAF was created with the aim of providing credit to farmers, while the PAA to support family farmers through the purchase of its production. In this context, the objective of this study is to analyze the correspondence of these two public policies for family farming, in the Territories of Citizenship of the state of Rio Grande do Norte, between the years 2008 to 2010. In the methodology, the analysis was performed by comparing the distributions of the two programs in the territories of citizenship status. There were also statistical tests of differences in proportions, and Spearman correlations, and estimated a logit regression model, in order to measure the probability of a farmer participating in the PAA is associated with one of the modes of PRONAF. The data used were obtained from the National and Supply - CONAB at the Institute of Technical Assistance and Rural Extension - EMATER, and the Ministry of Agrarian Development - MDA. Among the key findings was noted that policies were associated with a direct, but low in the districts of the Territories of Citizenship. And that, in the years 2008 and 2009, only in the territories of Mato Grande, Alto Oeste and Seridó, the actions of PAA and PRONAF had direct and significant correlations. It was found that in most of the territories, policies are performed randomly, ie that both have no correlation to each other. The estimates of the logit model showed that the chance of a family farmer, the PAA participant, receive credits PRONAF A, is higher in the territory of Mato Grande, and would have a chance to fall in PRONAF B in all areas surveyed. Moreover, farmers in the territories of the Assu-Mossoró, Sertão of Apodi, Seridó and Alto Oeste, participating in the PAA would be more likely to receive credits PRONAF C, reflecting thus the family farm more consolidated these territories

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Public politics of Service to the Child: The Challenge of the Action Articulated in the Project Belém Criança (2001-2004) if it constitutes in a study on the politics directed toward the children of 0 the 6 years. It has as objective to analyze the configuration of the politics of integral attention to the child, evidencing the form as the same ones they had been redimensioned by the neoliberal ideas and by the lines of direction of the international organisms. The work has like empiric reference the project Belém Criança, developed by county of Belém from a partnership with the Deep of United Nations for Infancy (UNICEF), in the period of 2001 and 2004. The project intends to develop an articulated action among the several county departments which offer assistance to the children looking for to rationalize the resources and to optimize the services. Amongst the methodological procedures that materialized the research distinguished: The bibliographical review and documental allowed to analyze the contextualization of the public politics and, between them, the social politics of attendance to the child; the historical revolution this attendance; the paper of the UNICEF how articulator of the politics in municipal scope; and the paper of county how executer these politics. Still it was utilized, the half-structuralized interview, Having like subjects: the representative of the UNICEF in Belém, the municipal co-managers and actors of community in which the project was implemented. The result of the analyzes review that, historically, the politics destined to the child they had been being dimensioned having like support the fight of social movements vindictive for publics politic which guarantee the fundamentals rights these citizen. Although legal dimension of current politics of attendance to the child, to assume a vision of completeness and the guarantee of the rights, it still has a great exaggeration between the speech and the practical one. Actually, the same one are elaborate inside the neoliberal optics, with ruled actions by the beginning in combat to the poverty, implanted with low costs and with practice which to lead to the excessive fragmentation, generating inadequate actions and punctual programs which don t guarantee the social quality of the attendance. This perspective was evidenced to the most of the actors which the Project Belém Criança don t constitute itself a real public politic toward the child of 0 the 6 years, although present innovating aspects, how the mobilization and participation. It was demonstrated yet, in the participant s depositions of the research, that the bureau had numberless of difficulty to develop the action preview in the project, it has seen the great complexity of articulation between the several organism responsible by politics of attendance

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As a result of the prediction of irreversible changes on necessary conditions to maintain life, including human, on the planet, environmental education got the spotlight in the political scenario, due to social pressure for the development of individual and collective values, knowledge, skills, attitudes and competences towards environmental preservation. In Brazil, only in 1999 the right for environmental education was officially granted to people, having the status of essential and permanent component in the country s education. Since then, it has been Government s duty, in each federal branch, to plan actions to make it happen, in an articulate way in all levels and modalities of the education process, both formally and informally. This work of research has environmental education in the school as subject matter, and aims on analyzing social and political mediations established between this National Environmental Education policy and the contexts associated to the legislative production process, the political nature of the conceptions about environmental education that underlie Law 9.795/99 (Brazil, 2009c) and also Rio Grande do Norte Government s actions and omissions related to the imperative nature of the insertion of environmental education in the schools ran by the state, during the ten years this law has been in force. The investigation of the subject matter was led by a social and historical understanding of the social and environmental phenomena, as well as of the education system as a whole, considering that only through a dialectical view we can see the real world, by destroying the pseudo-concreteness that surrounds the topic. While analyzing, we assumed that in face of the dominance of a social organization in which market regulations rule on environmental ones, by developing individual and collective critical conscience, environmental education can become a threat to dominant economical interests in exploiting natural resources. The results of this research suggest that as an educational practice to be developed in an integrated, continuous and permanent fashion in all levels and modalities of formal education, environmental education has not yet come to pass in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, due to the neglect and disrespect of the government when facing the need of promoting the necessary and legally appointed measures to make it present in the basic education provided by the state. The legislators silence when it comes to approving a regulation on environmental education essential to define policies, rules and criteria to teaching the subject in the state and the omission from the public administration regarding critical actions in order to integrate in public schools the activities related to the National Environmental Education Policy, represent a political decision for not doing anything, despite the legal demand for an active position. This neglecting attitude for the actualizing of strategically concrete actions, urgent and properly planned for the implementation of environmental education in schools in a multidisciplinary way, exposes the lack of interest the predominant classes have in such kind of education being made available, as it could be developed based on a critic political view, becoming a political and educational action against dominance. When analyzing the basic principles and fundamental goals in Law 9.795/99 (Brazil, 2009c) the development of a critic environmental education is really possible and concurs with the National Environmental Education Policy, reflecting the social and political mediations established between this public policy and the contexts associated to its legislative production process, which are responsible for approving a regulation which also represents the mind of the people about environmental protection above anything else

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This study has analyzed the high school and professional education policies (1998-2008) and their impacts on the Centro Federal de Educação Tecnológica do Rio Grande do Norte. It has presented an analysis and design of the productive restructuring process in the world of work and education, the technical, vocational education and high school policies in Brazil, referring to this period, as well as the changes in Cefet-RN for implementation of Political Guidelines of Vocational, Technical and High School Education. This study is guided by assumptions related to these policies, which are located in different historical moments. It is a study in which subjects are understood as historical and social beings, embedded in the economic, political and cultural rights which, by its actions, can be transformed. It was based on a theoretical framework consistent with the object of research to give it shape and meaning, serving as a parameter to address the problem outlined in research questions. It was used analysis of bibliographical material and specific documents from the Institution, semi-structured interviews with the subjects part of technical and high school. Results show that many of the recommendations in the present high school policies and vocational technical and high school education, implemented in Cefet-RN, for the period 1998-2002, show inconsistencies between what is said and what can be officially established in the pedagogical practice of teachers and professional practice of some graduates. Regarding the integration of vocational education with the high school (2005-2008) in this Institution, the study signaled that its prioritization failed to materialize in full, in Cefet-RN, although it was developed and implemented a Political-Pedagogical Project in 2005

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The present study examined the relations of power in the management of the Escola Estadual Presidente Kennedy, including the deliberate decisions on the School Council and School Fund, which guided the organization of the school. We sought to understand the management models that influenced the school organization, promoting contradictions in the decision making process. The school management is intensely marked by management models from the business logics as in the case of managerialism of bureaucracy. The formulation of educational policies based on managerialism has proposed a school-centered management with intense accountability of the school community in planning and monitoring the public services. The influences of these models subsidize hierarchical power relations that undermine the actions of decision-making of the collegiate bodies for the democratization of school management. To develop a research on the power, the investigation was based on studies of Bourdieu and Foucault. These authors understand the power in a relational system in a double sense, both in terms of discipline and the possibility of resistance. A theoreticalmethodological matrix was developed focusing on literature review, document analysis, structured interviews with twelve representatives of the segments belonging to the School Council and School Fund, as well as observations in meetings with the production of field notes. It was found that power relations experienced in the organization and activities of the school boards are marked by changes in public management over the years, promoting the contradictions between the concepts of corporate management originated in the business logics and the perspective of democratic management subsidized by official legislative documents at the national and state levels. The observations in meetings and analysis of the records showed that representatives related to management (president and manager of the school) have a privileged position with regard to exposure of their propositions, and are more likely to take a position in the political game of the collegiate bodies of work. It was also seen that the irregularity of meetings, particularly of the School Fund meetings, limits the experience of operation of the representatives in discussions concerning the planning and monitoring the actions of school management. Reports from representatives of the School Council showed that certain segments related to the management recognize their power of decision, however others have little interfere in the decision-making process in order to expound the desires of those who are represented by them. In the School Fund, the analysis of the records and interviews showed restricted moments of the meeting of representatives, and these only being aimed at choice or approval of the implementation plan prepared by the school management. The results showed no indications of moments of reflection to study the best chance for applicability of resources. This collegiate body (School Fund) has a questionable action when planning and monitoring the applicability of the financial resources of the School. To sum up, it was found that the Escola Estadual Presidente Kennedy still lives hierarchical power relations that undermine the institutionalization of democratic management in the various representative segments may take place in the game of political decision-making processes necessary for the organization of the school

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This study board the FUNDEF social control council implementation in Parnamirim/RN city, concerning their representatives participation in the accompaniment (decision power) in resort, in front of governmental politics of decentralization, unleashed in 90´s, seen in decentralization process needs the society participation in decisions of educative institutions and represent an efficient way of solve the problems difficult the educational management actions. For this, the council creation of Brazil manager configure, since the 80´s, detaching, and the single characterizing, in actual context. The objective is raise pertinent questions of thematic of representatives members participation of collegiate organs, evidencing the decision power of these, in public resource control. The theory-methodological referential the literature treat the participation and power decision of FUNDEF social control decision, such as politics directrix that rules this council. It utilizes as proceeding of collecting data the semi-structured interview and analyze of meeting register to understand the empirics of council implantation in this city, in view of that the electoral process configured in 2003, showed as a innovation, because the counselor is indicated by the local public power representatives (in this case the education municipal secretary). The research result show the representatives have difficult, to accompany the FUNDEF resources amount, particularly in concern in the financial resources (ratio) over plus. Finally, emphasize the importance of democratization in the relations between the state and civil society, elucidating and exciting reflections a: democratic participation in control of public recourses for education, educational management and civil society mobilization in access of public and cultural cash which the citizen has rights

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A Iniciativa Economia Verde, numa perspectiva de análise teórica, é uma reiteração de velhas ideias; não é propriamente um novo conceito, mas sim a proposta de um conjunto de instrumentos para o alcance do desenvolvimento sustentável. Uma novidade importante dessa inciativa é a defesa do ativismo de políticas de indução às mudanças tecnológicas ambientais, o que revela sua aproximação com a economia evolucionária. No plano da economia política internacional, o potencial de conflito Norte-Sul sobre a Iniciativa Economia Verde se vincula aos impasses registrados nas negociações sobre liberalização do comércio de bens e serviços ambientais na Rodada Doha da OMC.

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The reality of water resources management in semiarid regions, such as the Seridó region, has been shaped by a complex chain involving social-cultural, political, economic and environmental aspects, covering different spheres of activity - from local to federal. Because water is a scarce element, the most rational way pointed out by our recent history has been to move towards an increasing emphasis on the need for a truly rational, integrated, sustainable and participatory water resources management, supported by legislation and by a network of institutions that could materialize it. In this sense, despite all the advances in the formulation of public policies in water resources, which ones have indeed lead to significant changes that have occurred or are underway in semiarid regions such as Seridó? What factors may be preventing the realization of the desires rationality embedded in the framers of water policies intents? How to properly manage water resources if the current actors who promote their management and the political, human, cultural and institutional processes that intervene in this management, show strong traces of unsustainability? The research methodology adopted in this paper led to a breakdown of the traditional approach to water resource management, to integrate it into other areas of knowledge, especially to political science and public administration, catalyzed by the concept of "sustainable development". From a broad, interdisciplinary literature review, an exhaustive characterization of the river basin Seridó, a set of interviews with key people in the public administration acting in the region, a series of diagnoses and a set of propositions were made in order to correct the direction of current public policies for the region. From the point of view of public policies, it is in the deployment phase, not in its formulation, which lies a major problem of the lack of significant progress in water management. The lack of coordination between government programs are well characterized, as well as the lack of efficiency and effectiveness of their actions. The causes of this secular model are also discussed, including political factors and social relations of production, which led to a stalemate difficult, but of possible solution. It can be perceived there is a scenario of progressive deterioration of natural resources of the fragile ecosystem and a network of environmental and social consequences difficult to reverse, the result of a persistent and inertial sociopolitical culture, whose main factors reinforce itself. The work leads towards a characterization of the water resources management also from the perspective of environmental, institutional, political and human sustainability , the latter being identified, particularly as investment in the development of people as autonomous beings - not based in ideological directives of any kind - in the emancipation of the traditional figure of the poor man of the hinterland" to the "catalyst for change" responsible for their own decisions or omissions, based upon an education for free-thinking that brings each one as co-responsible epicenter of (self-) sustainable changes in their midst

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The present study aimed to evaluate the inclusion of the principles of the National Medicines Policy - PNM and the Pharmaceutical assistance - PNAF in the prosecution of lawsuits involving medicines. To fulfill this necessity , data collection was performed on the website by the Tribunal Rio Grande do Norte - TJ RN ( Rio Grande do Norte Court) , in 2012 . It was obtained 115 judgments, which were analyzed in order to generate Monitoring Indicators from lawsuits and conduct content analysis proposed by Bardin (2006). The results showed that : a) 100 % of the decisions were favorable to the author , b) 76 % of decisions were requests by the trade name of the drug , c) only one drug (eculizumabe) had not granted by ANVISA , d) 36 % of drugs were present in the list of standard medicines in SUS , 16 % of primary care block and 20 % of specialized component , e) 76 % of the decisions presented the request of at least 01 non-standard medicine. With regard to decentralization of PNM and PNAF we observed a commitment to this principle at judicial decisions, to see that municipalities and states are often forced to buy medicines of responsibility from another federal entity or other tertiary units as CACONs and UNACONS. The content analysis revealed that the argument from the judges used when you utter their decisions was that the right to health is recognized by Brazilian law as a fundamental right and should be guaranteed by the State for all its citizens. So, health is more than budgetary constraints of federal entities, which are severally liable for lawsuits , regardless the medication requested belongs or not to a particular block of a pharmaceutical assistance funding. Given these data, it is observed that there are gaps in the judgment when it comes to the insertion of the words and principles of PNM and PNAF, creating then the need for greater dialogue between the executive and judicial, so that they may consider relevant the effectiveness and application of such principles to minimize the negative consequences of the phenomenon of health judicialisation. Keywords: Judicialisation, Medicines, Public Policy, Pharmaceutical Care