Decentralization and reform in Latin America: improving intergovernmental relations

Includes bibliography

Revenue sharing: The case of Brazil's ICMS

Includes bibliography

Búsqueda de cohesión social y sostenibilidad fiscal en los procesos de descentralización

Incluye Bibliografía

The relations between different levels of government in Argentina

Includes bibliography

Desigualdades econômicas inter-regionais, capacidade tributária e esforço fiscal dos Estados da Amazônia (1970-2000): uma abordagem econométrica de fronteira estocástica

O objetivo do presente trabalho é, portanto, apresentar uma análise dos efeitos das desigualdades econômicas inter-regionais sobre as desigualdades inter-regionais da arrecadação tributária estadual na esfera do federalismo fiscal. O problema da desigualdade interregional entre as regiões e os estados brasileiros sempre foi o principal foco de atenção dos economistas regionais. Entretanto, são relativamente escassos os estudos e as pesquisas que visam estudar os efeitos das desigualdades econômicas inter-regionais sobre as desigualdades tributárias inter-regionais da arrecadação efetiva e potencial entre os estados federativos brasileiros. Por resolveu-se analisar os resultados da medição da capacidade da arrecadação tributária dos estados brasileiros, com destaque para os estados da região Norte, para os anos de 1970 até 2006. A metodologia utilizada para estimar a capacidade de arrecadação tributária e determinar o esforço fiscal dos governos estaduais foi o modelo econométrico de fronteira estocástica, adaptado para esse fim.

O verde na selva de pedra: análise jurídica da proteção da vegetação na área urbana do município de Belém

O processo de urbanização com a concentração da maior parte da população mundial em cidades impõe novos desafios à organização de assentamentos humanos e à proteção ao meio ambiente, afetando adversamente a qualidade de vida das pessoas e a sustentabilidade ambiental, que inclui também o meio ambiente urbano. Dentre as muitas variáveis que interferem na sustentabilidade das cidades está a presença da vegetação urbana, mas que não possui tutela específica no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Nesse contexto, este trabalho objetiva definir o conteúdo jurídico da expressão “vegetação urbana” a partir da identificação e sistematização dos dispositivos legais existentes no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro que tutelem a flora no meio urbano no Município de Belém (PA). Utiliza o método dedutivo e a pesquisa documental. Problematiza os conceitos de cidade, urbano, sustentabilidade e qualidade de vida. Discorre sobre as competências constitucionais sobre direito ambiental e urbanístico a partir de 1988. Sistematiza as principais categorias jurídicas e não jurídicas utilizadas para definir e estudar a vegetação urbana, bem como apresenta um resumo de suas principais funções, evidenciando suas diferenças com o meio não-urbano e seu dinamismo, devendo a proteção da vegetação urbana ser entendida como um processo. Conclui que não há no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro definição que abarque todas as particularidades da vegetação urbana, mas há disposições em nível federal, estadual e municipal que a disciplina, mas estes dispositivos devem ser interpretados de acordo com particularidades e princípios que regem o espaço urbano, e à luz do federalismo cooperativo.

Federalismo, descentralização e democracia

Analisar a descentralização como transferência de poder decisório a municípios ou órgãos locais implica no entendimento dos municípios como entes federados, num país marcado pelas distorções federativas. Sistema representativo federal e participação popular local se intercruzam nesse processo, produzindo diferentes impactos na trajetória da descentralização no Brasil.

Território, política e infraestruturas: a influência do governo federal na política urbana dos municípios brasileiros

The evolution of Brazilian federalism (result of the influence and power of oligarchic elites, the different constitutional texts made and policies designed to collect taxes) shows one of the forms of how the Brazilian government uses the territory to effect the exercise of power. In the country, this use takes place by the imposition of rules that regulate and create tension among the entities, and mechanisms of distribution and redistribution of resources among federal agencies acquire great importance because they allow a bigger or lesser autonomy in public administration. The text aims to analyze the voluntary transfers of resources from the Federal Government to the municipalities. These Covenants act as a mechanism that can be configured in promoter of new selectivity and hierarchies between places. With the aim to understand the materialization of public resources in the territory, our analysis intends to identify how the Brazilian government makes use of constitutional mechanisms to enlarge and improve the urban infrastructure in the municipal scale.

Escolas públicas no campo: retrospectiva e perspectivas em um contexto de projetos políticos em disputa

In present article, we present reflections on the process of closing public schools in the countryside in Brazil. Through bibliographical survey, as well as documental research, we carried out a retrospective analysis of the historical moment in which the implementation of policies of mass education directed to people living in rural areas occurs. We have also sought to raise socio-political-economic aspects of the moment in which the process of closing these schools is intensified. The results obtained suggest possible implications of this closure policy, in addition to indicating some of the challenges posed to the public policy of education in the country; for example, the Brazilian federal context and the budget limitations imposed to subnational governments with regard to the funding of school education, particularly in relation to small municipalities and/or municipalities with low tax revenues. This situation quite often occurs because these municipalities present reduced budgets, depending largely on transfers of financial resources from other spheres of the Government, either federal or state, the so-called intergovernmental budgetary transfers; namely, the Municipalities Participation Fund. Such issues demand the resumption of debates about the federative pact, in particular with regard to fiscal federalism, given that the financial capacity of each subnational government is crucial to the implementation of educational policies.

Decentralization and regionalization: dynamics and conditioning factors for the implementation of the Health Pact in Brazil

Decentralization and regionalization represent constitutional guidelines for the organization of the Unified Health System, which in the last 20 years has required the adoption of mechanisms to coordinate and accommodate federative tensions in Brazil's healthcare sector. This paper analyzes the national implementation of the Health Pact between 2006 and 2010 involving a strategy that reconfigures intergovernmental relations in the sector. The study involved the analysis of documents, official data and interviews with federal, state and municipal managers in the Brazilian states. The content of the national proposal is initially discussed, including its implications for health policy. The different rhythms and degrees of implementation of the Health Pact are then reviewed, with respect to adherence by states and municipalities and the formation of Regional Management Boards. Lastly, the conditioning factors for the multiplicity of experiences observed in the country are identified and the challenges facing progress toward a decentralized and regionalized health system in Brazil are discussed.

Essays on the political economy of European integration

Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.

Le Zone Franche Urbane: Mercato europeo e Ordinamenti tributari

Lo studio delle Zone Franche Urbane all’interno del Diritto tributario europeo non ha potuto prescindere da una introduttiva delimitazione del lavoro, capace di distinguere le diverse tipologie di zone franche esistenti nei Paesi intra/extra Ue. Attraversando i casi-studio di Madeira, delle Azzorre, fino alla istituenda Zona Franca di Bruxelles, Zone d’Economie Urbaine stimulée (ZEUS), si è giunti alla constatazione dell’assenza di una definizione di Zona Franca Urbana: analizzando le esperienze normative vissute in Francia e in Italia, si è potuto tratteggiare il profilo territoriale, soggettivo e oggettivo del sistema agevolativo rivolto al recupero delle aree urbane degradate. La funzione strumentale della fiscalità, esplicitata per mezzo delle ZFU, ha condotto ad una verifica di diritto interno per controllare la legittimità delle scelte nazionali in ragione dei principi costituzionali nazionali, come anche una di diritto europeo per evitare che le scelte nazionali, anche se legittime sul piano interno, possano per gli stessi effetti incentivanti alle attività d'impresa presentarsi come una forma territoriale di aiuti di Stato fiscali. Evidenziando il rapporto tra le ZFU e il Mercato europeo si è voluto, da un lato, effettuare una ricostruzione sistemica necessaria per un’interpretazione delle ZFU che metta in luce le componenti di tale strumento orientate al perseguimento di un interesse socioeconomico, che in prima battuta generi una contraddizione, una deroga ai principi costituzionali e comunitari, per poi “sciogliersi” in una coerente applicazione degli stessi; dall’altro, tentare di elevare le ZFU a misura sistemica dell’Ordinamento europeo. Si è svolto, infine, un ragionamento in termini di federalismo fiscale con riferimento alle ZFU, trovando una adeguata collocazione nel percorso di devoluzione intrapreso dal legislatore nazionale, avendo quali interlocutori privilegiati le Regioni a Statuto Speciale.