The Absence of Race in Democratic Politics: The Case of the Dominican Republic

This dissertation explores the relationship between race and democratization. Through the examination of the case of the Dominican Republic, this study challenges mainstream explanations of democratic transitions. At its core, this dissertation aims at calling attention to the absence of race and ethnic allegiances as explanatory variables of the democratic processes and debates in the region. By focusing on structural variables, the analysis shies away from elite and actor-centered explanations that fall short in predicting the developments and outcomes of transitions. The central research questions of this study are: Why is there an absence of the treatment of race and ethnic allegiances during the democratic transitions in Latin America and the Caribbean? How has the absence of ethnic identities affected the nature and depth of democratic transitions? Unlike previous explanations of democratic transitions, this dissertation argues that the absence of race in democratic transitions has been a deliberate attempt to perpetuate limited citizenship by political and economic elites. Findings reveal a difficulty to overcome nationalist discourses where limited citizenship has affected the quality of democracy. Original field research data for the study has been gathered through semi-structured interviews and focus groups conducted from October 2008 to December 2009 in the Dominican Republic.

Explaining intermittent exporting:exit and conditional re-entry in export markets

Intermittent exporting is something of a puzzle. In theory, exporting represents a major commitment, and is often the starting point for further internationalisation. However, intermittent exporters exit and subsequently re-enter exporting, sometimes frequently. We develop a conceptual model to explain how firm characteristics and market conditions interact to affect the decision to exit and re-enter exporting, and model this process using an extensive dataset of French manufacturing firms from 1997 to 2007. As anticipated, smaller and less productive firms are more likely to exit exporting, and react more strongly to changes in both domestic and foreign markets than larger firms. Exit and re-entry are closely linked. Firms with a low exit probability also have a high likelihood of re-entry, and vice versa. However, the way in which firms react to market conditions at the time of exit matters greatly in determining the likelihood of re-entry: thus re-entry depends crucially on the strategic rationale for exit. Our analysis helps explain the opportunistic and intermittent exporting of (mainly) small firms, the demand conditions under which intermittent exporting is most likely to occur, and the firm attributes most likely to give rise to such behavior.

The impact of political and economic crisis on the polarization of the Spanish media

In this paper the characteristics of the cyclical political polarization of the Spanish media system are defined. From this study, a prospective analysis raises doubts about this scenario remains unchanged because of the political and economic crisis. It seeks to define the role played by political and media actors in polarization focusing on the two legislatures where the tension reached higher levels (1993-1996 and 2004-2008) and compares it with the developments faced by them in the current economical and political context of crisis. To achieve these aims, it has been performed an analysis of media content (since 1993) and looked through primary sociological sources and the scientific literature about polarization. This is an exploratory, critical and descriptive case analysis.

Do Institutional Participatory Projects Contribute to the Development of Political Capabilities?

Participation usually sets off from the bottom up, taking the form of more or less enduring forms of collective action with varying degrees of infl uence. However, a number of projects have been launched by political institutions in the last decades with a view to engaging citizens in public affairs and developing their democratic habits, as well as those of the administration. This paper analyses the political qualifying capacity of the said projects, i.e. whether participating in them qualifi es individuals to behave as active citizens; whether these projects foster greater orientation towards public matters, intensify (or create) political will, and provide the necessary skills and expertise to master this will. To answer these questions, data from the comparative analysis of fi ve participatory projects in France and Spain are used, shedding light on which features of these participatory projects contribute to the formation of political subjects and in which way. Finally, in order to better understand this formative dimension, the formative capacity of institutional projects is compared with the formative dimension of other forms of participation spontaneously developed by citizens.

Of Marx and Makers: an Historical Perspective on Generative Justice

In Marxist frameworks “distributive justice” depends on extracting value through a centralized state. Many new social movements—peer to peer economy, maker activism, community agriculture, queer ecology, etc.—take the opposite approach, keeping value in its unalienated form and allowing it to freely circulate from the bottom up. Unlike Marxism, there is no general theory for bottom-up, unalienated value circulation. This paper examines the concept of “generative justice” through an historical contrast between Marx’s writings and the indigenous cultures that he drew upon. Marx erroneously concluded that while indigenous cultures had unalienated forms of production, only centralized value extraction could allow the productivity needed for a high quality of life. To the contrary, indigenous cultures now provide a robust model for the “gift economy” that underpins open source technological production, agroecology, and restorative approaches to civil rights. Expanding Marx’s concept of unalienated labor value to include unalienated ecological (nonhuman) value, as well as the domain of freedom in speech, sexual orientation, spirituality and other forms of “expressive” value, we arrive at an historically informed perspective for generative justice. 

Rethinking What is Necessary in a Democratic Society: Militant Democracy and the Turkish State

Questions relating to contemporary understandings of democracy continue to preoccupy the academic landscape, from politics to law—how does one define democracy; is it necessary to recalibrate the concept of democracy to meet the exigencies of the current global security "crisis" and, following from this, how does one understand (and control) the democratic relationship of representation and accountability between citizen and state? Although those writing on the recalibration of democratic theory come from different points of departure, they often arrive at a similar conclusion; namely that this global era poses significant challenges to contemporary understandings of democracy. This article identifies and focuses on one challenge posed by the concept of “militant” democracy against the backdrop of the Turkish case.

The politics of transformative harmony

This paper explores the idea of transformative harmony as a concern of the political. It proposes that the cultivation of harmony as a project of the Self is closely related to the political project of democracy as a quest for social harmony. This is in light of the view that social conflict can be seen as a collective manifestation of individual struggles to establish inner harmony. The paper, firstly, explores the idea that the quest for harmony is an intersubjective, as well as an intra-subjective, undertaking. This is in line with the Gandhian principle that societies ultimately reflect the level of enlightenment of the actors who form them. It also critiques the use of violence as a means of securing transformative harmony and social change. Finally, the paper discusses the way in which transformative harmony, in terms of its focus on the Self as the site for attaining the type of altered consciousness required to bring about social change, shares a philosophical basis with both ideas of ‘deep democracy’ and Habermasian discourse ethics. It is proposed that the project of transformative harmony represents, by default, a project to transform democratic praxis. Keywords: Harmony, politics, ethics, rights, duties, Gandhi, democracy, risk.

The Sparta and the Athens Of Our Age At Daggers Drawn: Polities, Perceptions, and Peace

While historically notions of democracy have varied widely, democratic peace theory has generally defined it in procedural terms. This article takes a close look at the Anglo-French confrontation of 1840. I show that while leaders on both sides were prepared to risk war to gain bargaining advantages, only the French left really wanted to fight. Why? By today's criteria, Britain was incontestably more democratic, with its monarch's powers far more restricted and its suffrage several times as large. Nevertheless, both sides considered France more democratic, with French republicans despising Britain as an aristocratic oligarchy. While Spencer Weart is right to argue that democratic republics may be hostile to oligarchic ones, they will not necessarily define each other according to modern procedural criteria. Instead, they may judge regimes by the broader social structures that shape power relationships and by outcomes, possibly explaining wars or near misses between democracies.

Towards participatory political theology: democratic consolidation in Southeastern Europe and the role of Eastern Christianity in the process

This thesis defends the position that the Eastern Orthodoxy has the potential to develop, on the basis of its core concepts and doctrines, a new political theology that is participatory, personalist and universalist. This participatory political theology, as I name it, endorses modern democracy and the values of civic engagement. It enhances the process of democracy-building and consolidation in the SEE countries through cultivating the ethos of participation and concern with the common good among and the recognition of the dignity and freedom of the person. This political-theological model is developed while analyzing critically the traditional models of church-state relations (the symphonia model corresponding to the medieval empire and the Christian nation model corresponding to the nation-state) as being instrumentalized to serve the political goals of non-democratic regimes. The participatory political-theological model is seen as corresponding to the conditions of the constitutional democratic state. The research is justified by the fact the Eastern Orthodoxy has been a dominant religiouscultural force in the European South East for centuries, thus playing a significant role in the process of creation of the medieval and modern statehood of the SEE countries. The analysis employs comparative constitutional perspectives on democratic transition and consolidation in the SEE region with the theoretical approaches of political theology and Eastern Orthodox theology. The conceptual basis for the political-theological synthesis is found in the concept and doctrines of the Eastern Orthodoxy (theosis and synergy, ecclesia and Eucharist, conciliarity and catholicity, economy and eschatology) which emphasize the participatory, personalist and communal dimensions of the Orthodox faith and practice. The paradigms of revealing the political-theological potential of these concepts are the Eucharistic ecclesiology and the concept of divine-human communion as defining the body of Orthodox theology. The thesis argues that with its ethos of openness and engagement the participatory political theology presupposes political systems that are democratic, inclusive, and participatory, respecting the rights and the dignity of the person. The political theology developed here calls for a transformation and change of democratic systems towards better realization of their personalist and participatory commitments. In the context of the SEE countries the participatory political theology addresses the challenges posed by alternative authoritarian political theologies practiced in neighboring regions.

The twentieth century jazz piano trio: the rise of an iconic jazz paradigm

Considerando a gravação de 1947 The Bud Powell Trio como a gravação referência de trio de piano de jazz moderno, esta tese centra-se no surgimento e evolução do trio de jazz moderno cujo líder é pianista. Começando por apresentar, uma resenha dos estilos e técnicas para piano de da época pre-Powell, esta tese investiga a génese dos trios de piano jazz e examina três dos mais influeciais pianostas de jazz e lideres dos mais legendários trios de piano jazz modernos: Bud Powell, Bill Evans e Keith Jarrett. Esta tese também abordará o paradoxo inerente a um sistema democrático - a expressão própria do individuo, em justaposição com a responsabilidade para com o todo – e a sua inequivoca analogia com o gestalt do trio de piano de jazz moderno. Desde a primeira gravação de um trio de jazz com pianista como líder em 1935, o trio de jazz moderno, evoluiu tornando-se um exemplo de democracia – um contexto de igualdade em que as funções rítmicas, harmónicas, e melódicas estão igualmente distribuídas entre os três instrumentistas, que são ao mesmo tempo solistas e acompanhadores. Esta tese sublinha a eficácia do trio de jazz moderno – o seu início, e porque subsiste – baseado na sua força e beleza estética; ABSTRACT: THE TWENTIETH CENTURY JAZZ PIANO TRIO – The Rise of an Iconic Jazz Paradigm by Susan Muscarella Designating Bud Powell’s 1947 recording, The Bud Powell Trio, as the modern jazz piano trio benchmark, here, this thesis traces the emergence and evolution of the pianistled, piano-bass-drums-comprised modern jazz piano trio. Beginning with a general overview of pre-Powell jazz piano styles and techniques, this thesis investigates the earliest, most salient pre-Powell jazz piano trios, and examines three seminal modern jazz pianists and leaders of legendary modern jazz piano trios, Bud Powell, Bill Evans and Keith Jarrett. This thesis also brings to the fore the paradox inherent in a democratic system – individual self-expression juxtaposed with responsibility to the whole – and its unequivocal analogy to the modern jazz piano trio gestalt. From the earliest recording of a primarily piano-dominated piano-bass-drums-comprised jazz piano trio in 1935, the modern jazz piano trio has evolved to become a paragon of democracy – an egalitarian playing field in which rhythmic, harmonic and melodic roles are evenly distributed among all three instrumentalists who have come to serve as both soloists and accompanists.

O setor privado sem fins lucrativos e as políticas públicas de esporte e lazer (2008-2011) = : The non-profitable private sector and the public policies for sport and leisure (2008-2011)

Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

Democracry and the Individual

The main question informing this paper is whether it is possible to extend democracy beyond its liberal forms. The paper reflects upon this question with regard to its implications for the individual. For the radicalization of democracy implies a need for self-transformation, if the everyday egoism of contemporary citizens is not to thwart reasonable discussion and participation. Theorists such as Richard Rorty argue that the philosophical resources required to guide such self-transformation can be made available only by sacrificing the political freedom and cultural diversity liberalism has been able to precariously establish. Other theorists insist that the thresholds of pluralism and tolerance that existing liberal democracies are struggling to maintain actually require an extension of democracy. The paper evaluates two different theoretical strategies that aim to identify potentials for democratization without falling prey to the dilemma identified by Rorty: a ‘ deliberative’ strategy explicated with reference to Jürgen Habermas and an ‘existential’ approach represented here by William Connolly.

Plano de implementa????o do projeto de desenvolvimento de capacidade de governan??a

Desde a d??cada de 1990, o Governo Federal brasileiro vem implementando uma agenda ambiciosa de reformas do Estado, centradas na redu????o da pobreza e na melhoria da efici??ncia dos servi??os p??blicos. As principais prioridades, conforme previstas no Plano Plurianual (PPA) para o per??odo 2003-2007, s??o as seguintes: inclus??o social e redu????o da desigualdade; crescimento econ??mico com gera????o de emprego; distribui????o de renda e respeito ao meio ambiente; promo????o e amplia????o dos direitos de cidadania; e fortalecimento da democracia. No in??cio de 2006, o Governo criou a Pol??tica Nacional de Desenvolvimento de Pessoal (Decreto 5.707), com o objetivo de melhorar e aumentar a efici??ncia e a efic??cia na presta????o de servi??os p??blicos. No marco dessa pol??tica recente, as escolas de administra????o p??blica desempenham um papel fundamental na identifica????o das compet??ncias que precisam ser desenvolvidas nas institui????es do governo, bem como na implementa????o de pol??ticas de capacita????o para os servidores p??blicos, diretamente e/ou em parceria com escolas de governo nos n??veis federal, estadual ou local. O Canad?? tamb??m est?? criando uma estrutura para levantar as compet??ncias necess??rias para os servidores p??blicos e desenvolv??-las como um componente da Renova????o do Servi??o P??blico em todo o governo. Como institui????es l??deres no desenvolvimento de compet??ncias de servidores p??blicos, a Canada School of Public Service (CSPS) e a Escola Nacional de Administra????o P??blica (ENAP) firmaram uma parceria para implementar o Projeto de Desenvolvimento de Capacidade de Governan??a no Brasil. A finalidade do Projeto ?? melhorar a capacidade de servidores p??blicos federais, estaduais e municipais do Brasil para desenvolver e implementar programas de capacita????o e gerenciar pol??ticas p??blicas descentralizadas. Espera-se que essa parceria e o resultante compartilhamento de experi??ncias em capacita????o para governan??a efetiva contribuam para a redu????o da pobreza e das desigualdades no Brasil, por meio do desenvolvimento de compet??ncias de servidores na presta????o de servi??os p??blicos eficazes e eficientes, voltados para o cidad??o. O Projeto re??ne, al??m das duas principais Escolas de Governo no Canad?? e no Brasil, seis Escolas Brasileiras de Administra????o P??blica regionais e duas renomadas Institui????es Acad??micas Canadenses ??? a Queen???s University e a Western Ontario University. O Minist??rio do Desenvolvimento Social e Combate ?? Fome (MDS) e tr??s Secretarias Especiais do Governo Federal ??? Ra??a (SEPPIR), Direitos Humanos (SEDH) e Pol??ticas para as Mulheres (SPM) ??? tamb??m se envolver??o nas atividades de compartilhamento de conhecimentos com o Human Resources and Skills Development Canada (HRSDC) e a Canada Public Service Agency (CPSA). A CIDA fornecer?? CND$1.700.000 por meio do Programa Brasil-Canad?? de Interc??mbio de Conhecimentos para a Promo????o da Equidade (PIPE). A contribui????o da ENAP ser?? de CND$1.069.707 em esp??cie. A CSPS contribuir?? com cursos, al??m de conhecimentos e suporte t??cnicos, avaliados em CND$1.000.000. Aproveitando a parceria entre a CSPS e a ENAP, que resultou na transfer??ncia e na adapta????o bem sucedidas de cursos e metodologias canadenses, o novo projeto extrapola o n??cleo do servi??o p??blico em Bras??lia, alcan??ando escolas de governo em regi??es brasileiras em situa????o de desvantagem. ?? semelhan??a do papel da CSPS no primeiro projeto, a ENAP fortalecer?? a capacidade das escolas parceiras regionais para capacitar servidores p??blicos envolvidos na presta????o de servi??os aos brasileiros. O interc??mbio estruturado entre Minist??rios dos Governos canadense e brasileiro tamb??m aplicar?? a aprendizagem mais diretamente a quest??es de pol??ticas e programas sociais do Brasil. O desafio assumido neste Projeto ?? a adapta????o de conhecimentos e aprendizagem, com vistas a melhorar a implementa????o de pol??ticas e programas sociais. Para tanto, a CSPS e a ENAP introduzir??o novos cursos nos curr??culos das escolas parceiras e incorporar??o novos m??todos e tecnologias de aprendizagem como, por exemplo, comunidades de pr??tica virtuais e um componente de tutoria (mentoring) envolvendo o Human Resources and Skills Development Canada e o Minist??rio do Desenvolvimento Social e Combate ?? Fome do Brasil. Seis institui????es da Rede Nacional de Escolas de Governo do Brasil e do Programa de Parceria da ENAP foram selecionadas e convidadas a se unir ?? CSPS e ?? ENAP nesse novo Projeto: a Universidade Federal do Par?? (UFPA), de Bel??m (estado do Par?? ??? regi??o Norte); a Funda????o Joaquim Nabuco (FUNDAJ), de Recife (Pernambuco ??? Nordeste); a Universidade Corporativa do Servi??o P??blico / Secretaria de Administra????o do Estado da Bahia (UCS/SAEB), Salvador (Bahia ??? Nordeste); a Escola de Governo do Mato Grosso do Sul (ESCOLAGOV), Campo Grande (estado do Mato Grosso do Sul ??? Centro-Oeste); a Escola Nacional de Ci??ncias Estat??sticas / Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estat??stica (ENCE/IBGE), Rio de Janeiro (estado do Rio de Janeiro ??? Sudeste); e o Instituto Municipal de Administra????o P??blica (IMAP) de Curitiba (Paran?? ??? Sul). Essas escolas de refer??ncia foram escolhidas segundo sua capacidade de trabalhar como p??los de pr??ticas inovadoras em pol??ticas p??blicas e disseminar os benef??cios do Projeto para outras escolas em suas regi??es, por meio da Rede Nacional coordenada pela ENAP. O objetivo dessa parceria ?? fortalecer as escolas de governo locais, para que estas desenvolvam, por meio de eventos de aprendizagem, compet??ncias em servidores p??blicos, a fim de aumentar a capacidade do governo na implementa????o e gest??o de pol??ticas p??blicas. O Plano de Implementa????o do Projeto (PIP) descreve o trabalho a ser realizado por essas institui????es nos pr??ximos 30 meses, ao tempo em que serve de guia para os Parceiros do Projeto no que se refere ??s a????es e aos recursos necess??rios para a obten????o dos resultados acordados. Na medida em que o Projeto estiver em andamento e os parceiros iniciarem um interc??mbio produtivo de conhecimentos, o Plano de Trabalho Anual ser?? atualizado e revisto por meio de reuni??es anuais de avalia????o e encontros do Comit?? Diretor do Projeto, com vistas a assegurar que os resultados descritos no PIP sejam alcan??ados com sucesso

Novos desafios para a capacita????o de lideran??a de alto n??vel na gest??o p??blica e governan??a em um mundo globalizante

Este artigo aborda as mudan??as econ??micas, sociais, ambientais e comportamentais que est??o ocorrendo no planeta, visando a estabelecer um contexto que sirva de base para o tipo de capacita????o mais adequado para os n??veis gerenciais de governo. A partir de tr??s fatores interdependentes ??? globaliza????o, difus??o da democracia e impactos na governan??a ??? ?? proposta uma estrutura de capacita????o, focalizando 12 diferentes ??reas.