921 resultados para excluded socio-political movements


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This study approaches the relations of family and school, from the perspective of the family. It aims to analyze the meanings attributed by family to the school as a space for plural relationships, and understand the relations that these mothers constitute culturally with schools and their everyday pedagogical practices. When we seek to understand this problematic, it was established as guiding principles of the search in/from/with everyday life. Accordingly, we focused on, as main interlocutors, mothers and authors such as Certeau (1994), Morin (2000) and Freire (1978), among others, on the understanding that cultural diversity is an essential element of the complex relationship between family and public school, because they come from different cultural contexts. In the course of the research it was made the use of the procedure of dialogic conversation as a production process and information analysis. The current analysis highlights that families observe the difference between cultural and report that they are from different socio-political context set by the school, they came from rural areas and their lives were marked by the struggle for survival, and the work activity has been present since their childhood. For the families that participated in this research the school is/was not part of the cultural repertoire significance in their lives and it feels that they attribute to them, are in negotiations with their symbolic universe. The mothers hold a speech of a schoolar binding and pertencing, but the school has the time as possible in their daily lives. Thus, the dynamics of family and school relationships, is configured as complex, and the ambiguity in maternal speech marks a thinking/doing about the school in which they demonstrate ways of making the common man, involving the art of duplicity of the saying and doing, gimmnicks and antidiscipline

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We are observing, particurlarly in the last two decades an aggravation of social problems inherent in contemporary society, such as high rates of unereloyment and social exclusion. In this context, the social economy appears as an alternative to generate employment and income, especially for the country man through the production and distribution of developed products in a collective way where the actions of cooperation gain significant importance this study aims to determine how the collective actions affect the sustainability of cooperative socio-political and economic developments of the economy and so it was adopted a methodology of multiple case study in three organizations in the apiculture sector of Rio Grande do Norte the Beekeepers Association of São Rafael City (AAMSR); Beekeepers Association of Serra do Mel (APISMEL) and Family Agriculture Cooperative of Apodi (COOAFAP). To evaluate relationship in collaborative ventures solidarity it is constructed a matrix that identify and develop relationship in the organization and, to measure the level of sustainability of these ventures are calculated the indices of socio-political sustainability and economic sustainability. The research results shows a fully collaborative relationship in all cases based on factors such as effective communication between beekeepers involved/and also cooperated with these organization; availability of beekeepers to perform adjustments in production process; an organizational culture focused on collaboration and high level of situation described above and taking into account that the business of solidarity economy better positioned in the matrix of relationships are those that have best indices of sustainability, it is evidence the importance of collaborative relationships for the sustainability of joint ventures

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This research presents a reading of the poetics of silence in the profile and actions of characters in Fogo morto, by Paraiba s novelist José Lins do Rego and Cartilha do silêncio, by Sergipe s writer José Francisco Costa Dantas. As a starting point, we intend to demonstrate, through analysis, how the traditional issue of patriarchy, installed in rural areas of Northeast Brazil, live their momentum of rise and decline in different social spaces within narratives. This article shows how man lives tensions caused by the socio-political changes that will gradually be deployed in their environment due to the process of transition from traditional to modern life. From this perspective, this reading encourages a critical reflection on the social space of the mills and farms at the time of their rise and decay, as well as the various gender relationships between the feminine and the masculine world. The analysis indicates that all the changes both in family and social space unfold a world of silent variants and this paper takes as its theoretical basis the concept of silence built from the reflections of Eni Puccinelli Orlandi (2002), Barros Lourival Holland (1990 ), Luiz Costa Lima (1974) and Marisa Simons (1999).

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The goal of our dissertation is to study how the Scandinavian writings produced a Norwegian identity of warlike ideals in a compilation of Icelandic sagas known as Heimskringla and has parts of its content focused on storytelling about a troubled time of Scandinavian monarchies rising between the 8th and 11th centuries, which is called the Viking Age. The Heimskringla, also known as The Circle of the World is a set of writings based on Icelandic oral memory about the Norwegian kings and the conception of a Norwegian territory. While we investigated the relationship between the members of royalty, their companions and the Scandinavian people, we delineate the relationship between memory, identity and war. Our study points out how the Scandinavian war produces, in its storytelling, proper spaces, in socio-political relations among the participants, in the organization of its conflicts or the location of war activities, where places are transformed into essential points in these narratives. The war is both a place of identity statements and a space of practices, necessary for the strengthening of royal power

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The proposal of the Unified Health System Policy (SUS) has been considered one of the most democratic public policies in Brazil. In spite of this, its implementation in a context of social inequalities has demanded significant efforts. From a socio-constructionist perspective on social psychology, the study focused on the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS), launched by the Brazilian government in 2004, as an additional effort to improve practices and accomplish the effective implementation of the principles and guidelines of the Policy. Considering the process of permanent interdependencies between these propositions and the socio-political and cultural context, the study aimed to identify the discursive constructions articulated in the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS) and how they fit into the existing power relations of ongoing Brazilian socio-political context. Subject positionings and action orientation offered to different social actors by these discursive constructions and the kind of practices allowed were also explored, as well as the implementation of the proposal in Rio Grande do Norte state and how this process was perceived by the people involved. The information produced by documental analyses, participant observation and interviews was analyzed as proposed by Institutional Ethnography. It evidenced the inter-relations between the practices of different social actors, the conditions available for those practices and the interests and power relations involved. Discontinuities on public policies in Brazil and the tendency to prioritize institutional and personal interests, in detriment of collective processes of social transformation, were some of obstacles highlighted by participants. The hegemony of the medical model and the individualistic and curative intervention practices that the model elicits were also emphasized as one of the drawbacks of the ongoing system. Facing these challenges, reflexivity and dialogism appear as strategies for a transformative action, making possible the denaturalization of ongoing practices, as well as the values and tenets supporting them

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To the extent that the expansion of cities is increasingly pushing and segregating the working class to outlying areas, devoid of services and infrastructure, the urban space is also important as a space in the class struggle, and in this direction, the this study aims to analyze the political organization of urban social movements and popular organizations existing in Natal-RN, nowadays, in their process of struggle for social rights, with emphasis on the right to the city. With this dimension, we appropriate the contributions of historical and dialectical materialism because we believe that this benchmark enables the understanding of the processes of collective organization and a critical perspective of totality, going beyond its immediate appearance. For production data conducted literature, documentary and field, through semi-structured interviews recorded with (the) mapped leaders of organizations in our survey, as well as advisory bodies to the movements studied. The results of the study allowed us to characterize the action of the political movements in urban Christmas struggle for recognition and guarantee of the right to the city and seize the advances and obstacles in the process of intervention of social movements and popular organizations existing in Natal, highlighting dilemmas and contradictions underlie the processes of organization and mobilization in the contemporary period. Thus, we conclude that the Natal territory, as in contemporary Brazil, the urban and political action movements that show the public scene and intertwine necessarily relate to historical trend that has been performing since the 1990s, when the country entered a period marked by a new bourgeois offensive

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This research focuses on raise the discussion of existance tourism policies in Rio Grande do Norte and its contributions to the integration of local communities in the coastal tourist activity. Guided by the background of the neoliberalism and its influence on the model of tourism development adopted in Rio Grande do Norte. For that, were surveyed the concrete realities of coastal localities of the municipalities of Ceará-Mirim, Extremoz, Parnamirim and Nísia Floresta covered by Prodetur-RN I and II, by being part of the tourist portion of the state that have received domestic and international investment and, because are located in the geographical area of the Potiguar capital, Natal. We interviewed the municipal managers and the residents of local communities who live in municipalities more than ten years. Also, was raised a discussion on the role of the state as the main agent of public policies and hegemonic facilitator in the attraction of domestic and foreign investments, with the main scenario the neoliberal model of economic development. Here discuss ways and strategies of socio-political organization of local communities, with regard to the inclusion in the tourist and, pointing to the critical development model in question and signaling other concepts of development model, such as local basis, for example. By the ending of the research, was concluded that the model of development of the tourism in the Rio Grande do Norte is reflected of the way of life of the society, that the communities live in precarious conditions and that the way of inclusion in the tourism is almost incipient. Also, it was possible to detect the inexistence of public politics of tourism that promoted the planning of the tourist activity, as well as, the inclusion of the communities in the decision processes and that, searched the development on the basis of the principles of sustainable and local autonomy

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Não é segredo para os estudiosos e é reconhecido pelos atores envolvidos no jogo político que o Prefeito desempenha importantes atividades, podendo influenciar o dia-a-dia da população, a relação com outras esferas de governo e as eleições gerais. Tomando como universo empírico os candidatos ao cargo de Prefeito das capitais brasileiras em 2008, procuramos identificar e analisar as bases de recrutamento desses concorrentes ao principal posto político do município. As interpretações correntes na literatura concentram-se sobre os vencedores da disputa eleitoral, deixando de lado os derrotados. O que os vencedores têm que os derrotados não têm? Seria o perfil dos vencedores diferente daquele encontrado no grupo dos derrotados? Com o propósito de oferecer uma contribuição aos estudos das bases de recrutamento dos membros pertencentes às elites locais, o texto está organizado em uma única seção, onde vamos discutir três dimensões: (i) gênero, faixa etária e naturalidade; (ii) nível de instrução, grupo profissional e mandato executivo e (iii) gastos com campanha e tamanho do patrimônio. Essas características podem ajudar a construir um perfil sociopolítico dos membros pertencentes aos grupos dos vencedores e dos derrotados nas eleições municipais de 2008 para o cargo de Prefeito das capitais brasileiras. Além disso, o estudo desses atributos pode indicar quais predominaram na disputa eleitoral, isto é, quais deles podem mostrar as características que circundam o processo seletivo dos integrantes do distinto grupo político.

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Our goal is to investigate the reasons behind the presence of clientelist-type practices among the popular classes in Brazil, highlighting the decade of the 1990s. Our proposal gives salience to factors regarding the phenomenon's socio-political conjuncture, thereby taking us beyond explanations that rely exclusively on historical-cultural aspects or that sustain an economic bias. We use bibliographic and journalistic sources, from which we develop our own interpretation of the period. Thus, we observe that clientelist practices are encouraged to manifest themselves at the level of national political organization particularly within the federal sphere yet are also reflected at state and municipal levels, due to the coalition of political forces created through the implantation of a neoliberal project in Brazil. The latter has joined modern Brazilian social democracy and old regional oligarchies situated primarily within the PFL, PP, PTB and certain sectors of the PMDB, whose representatives are known for their attachment to patrimonialist and paternalistic practices. The inclusion of the latter in the conservative pact that has promoted neo-liberal political reform has thus meant awarding new value to such practices. Herein lies partial explanation for the vigor with which practices such as fisiologismo, apadrinhamento, abuse of state machinery, buying and selling of votes and clientelism have manifested themselves on the national scene over the course of the 1990s.

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Pós-graduação em Educação - FCT

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Traffic congestion is nothing new in Latin American cities but has worsened in recent years. Eliminating it is a pipedream, but it should be brought under control. Many economists and transport planners think electronic road pricing would be the best way of tackling it, now that the appropriate technology for implementing it is available. On the other hand, experience shows that, for political reasons, it would be better to begin by adopting simpler methods. To start with, simple road pricing would seem to be the best option. But, over 20 years of experience in London and more than six in Santiago, Chile, made it clear that socio-political barriers have to be surmounted before even this option can be applied in practice. There is more political support for measures to control parking, due in part to the fact that the legal powers do not normally extend to restricting the number of parking spaces available to high-income and influential motorists who have the right to park near their offices and who cause a great deal of the congestion whilst getting there. In Latin America, the relative importance of taxis also diminishes the effectiveness of measures geared to parking, since taxis contribute to congestion although but they do not park. The problem of congestion cannot be solved by using tame measures. The time has come for something bolder, i.e., measures that, at the very least, exercise control over those parking spaces, which so far have been beyond the reach of governments and local authorities, ideally, simple road pricing systems would be even more effective.