414 resultados para Safeguarding
Resumo:
«Cultural mapping» has become a central keyword in the UNESCO strategy to protect world cultural and natural heritage. It can be described as a tool to increase the awareness of cultural diversity. As Crawhall (2009) pointed out, cultural mapping was initially considered to represent the «landscapes in two or three dimensions from the perspectives of indigenous and local peoples». It thus transforms the intangible cultural heritage to visible items by establishing profiles of cultures and communities, including music traditions. Cultural mapping is used as a resource for a variety of purposes as broad as peace building, adaptation to climate change, sustainability management, heritage debate and management, but can also become highly useful in the analysis of conflict points. Music plays a significant role in each of these aspects. This year’s symposium invites to highlight, yet also to critically reassess this topic from the following ethnomusicological perspectives: - The method of cultural mapping in ethnomusicology What approaches and research techniques have been used so far to establish musical maps in this context? What kinds of maps have been developed (and, for example, how far do these relate to indigenous mental maps that have only been transmitted orally)? How far do these modern approaches deviate from the earlier cultural mapping approaches of the cultural area approaches that were still evident with Alan P. Merriam and in Alan Lomax` Cantometrics? In how far are the methods of cultural mapping and of ethnomusicological fieldwork different and how can they benefit from each other? - Intangible cultural heritage and musical diversity As the 2003 UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage pointed out in Article 12, each state signing the declaration «shall draw up, in a manner geared to its own situation, one or more inventories of the intangible cultural heritage, present in its territory and monitor these.» This symposium calls for a critical re-assessment of the hitherto established UNESCO intangible cultural heritage lists. The idea is to highlight the sensitive nature and the effects of the various heritage representations. «Heritage» is understood here as a selection from a selection – a small subset of history that relates to a given group of people in a particular place, at a specific time (Dann and Seaton 2001:26). This can include presentations of case studies, yet also a critical re-analysis of the selection process, e.g. who was included – or even excluded (and why)? Who were the decision makers? How can the role of ethnomusicology be described here? Where are the (existent and possible) conflict points (politically, socially, legally, etc.)? What kinds of solution strategies are available to us? How is the issue of diversity – that has been so strongly emphasized in the UNESCO declarations – reflected in the approaches? How might diversity be represented in future approaches? How does the selection process affect musical canonization (and exclusion)? What is the role of archives in this process? - Cultural landscape and music As defined by the World Heritage Committee, cultural landscapes can be understood as a distinct geographical area representing the «combined work of nature and man» (http://whc.unesco.org/en/culturallandscape/). This sub-topic calls for a more detailed – and general – exploration of the exact relation between nature/landscape (and definition of such) and music/sound. How exactly is landscape interrelated with music – and identified (and vice versa)? How is this interrelation being applied and exploited in a (inter-)national context?
Resumo:
Environmental quality monitoring of water resources is challenged with providing the basis for safeguarding the environment against adverse biological effects of anthropogenic chemical contamination from diffuse and point sources. While current regulatory efforts focus on monitoring and assessing a few legacy chemicals, many more anthropogenic chemicals can be detected simultaneously in our aquatic resources. However, exposure to chemical mixtures does not necessarily translate into adverse biological effects nor clearly shows whether mitigation measures are needed. Thus, the question which mixtures are present and which have associated combined effects becomes central for defining adequate monitoring and assessment strategies. Here we describe the vision of the international, EU-funded project SOLUTIONS, where three routes are explored to link the occurrence of chemical mixtures at specific sites to the assessment of adverse biological combination effects. First of all, multi-residue target and non-target screening techniques covering a broader range of anticipated chemicals co-occurring in the environment are being developed. By improving sensitivity and detection limits for known bioactive compounds of concern, new analytical chemistry data for multiple components can be obtained and used to characterise priority mixtures. This information on chemical occurrence will be used to predict mixture toxicity and to derive combined effect estimates suitable for advancing environmental quality standards. Secondly, bioanalytical tools will be explored to provide aggregate bioactivity measures integrating all components that produce common (adverse) outcomes even for mixtures of varying compositions. The ambition is to provide comprehensive arrays of effect-based tools and trait-based field observations that link multiple chemical exposures to various environmental protection goals more directly and to provide improved in situ observations for impact assessment of mixtures. Thirdly, effect-directed analysis (EDA) will be applied to identify major drivers of mixture toxicity. Refinements of EDA include the use of statistical approaches with monitoring information for guidance of experimental EDA studies. These three approaches will be explored using case studies at the Danube and Rhine river basins as well as rivers of the Iberian Peninsula. The synthesis of findings will be organised to provide guidance for future solution-oriented environmental monitoring and explore more systematic ways to assess mixture exposures and combination effects in future water quality monitoring.
Resumo:
Biosecurity is crucial for safeguarding livestock from infectious diseases. Despite the plethora of biosecurity recommendations, published scientific evidence on the effectiveness of individual biosecurity measures is limited. The objective of this study was to assess the perception of Swiss experts about the effectiveness and importance of individual on-farm biosecurity measures for cattle and swine farms (31 and 30 measures, respectively). Using a modified Delphi method, 16 Swiss livestock disease specialists (8 for each species) were interviewed. The experts were asked to rank biosecurity measures that were written on cards, by allocating a score from 0 (lowest) to 5 (highest). Experts ranked biosecurity measures based on their importance related to Swiss legislation, feasibility, as well as the effort required for implementation and the benefit of each biosecurity measure. The experts also ranked biosecurity measures based on their effectiveness in preventing an infectious agent from entering and spreading on a farm, solely based on transmission characteristics of specific pathogens. The pathogens considered by cattle experts were those causing Bluetongue (BT), Bovine Viral Diarrhea (BVD), Foot and Mouth Disease (FMD) and Infectious Bovine Rhinotracheitis (IBR). Swine experts expressed their opinion on the pathogens causing African Swine Fever (ASF), Enzootic Pneumonia (EP), Porcine Reproductive and Respiratory Syndrome (PRRS), as well as FMD. For cattle farms, biosecurity measures that improve disease awareness of farmers were ranked as both most important and most effective. For swine farms, the most important and effective measures identified were those related to animal movements. Among all single measures evaluated, education of farmers was perceived by the experts to be the most important and effective for protecting both Swiss cattle and swine farms from disease. The findings of this study provide an important basis for recommendation to farmers and policy makers.
Resumo:
The preservation of tangible cultural heritage does not guarantee effective revitalisation of urban historic areas as a whole. The legacy of our history consists not only of paintings, sculptures, architectural monuments and public spaces, but also the safeguarding of immaterial aspects of social life, such as oral traditions, rituals, practices, knowledge and craft skills. From 1999 to 2013, 26 Brazilian cities benefited from the Monumenta Programme - a national cultural policy that involved institutions, the private sector and the local community. The purpose of the programme was to stimulate economic growth and increase cultural and social development of the historic centres. Moreover, it sought to increase the number of residents in the benefited areas as defined in its agenda (IDB, 1999; MinC & Programa Monumenta, 2006). Using the Historic Centre of Porto Alegre as a case study, this paper examines how this cultural programme enables demographic change through the promotion of intangible cultural heritage, e.g. by supporting educational projects. The demographic flow was analysed using the microdata of the Populations Censuses (years 2000 and 2010) available from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics. The results showed an increase in low-income residents the areas that participated in the programme. This increase may have been motivated by a set of cultural-educational projects under the auspices of the Monumenta Programme. The retraining of artisans of Alfândega Square, the training of low-income youth for restoration work and the implementation of the "Black Route Museum in Porto Alegre" (Bicca, 2010) are just some examples of what was done to improve the local community's economy, to encourage social cohesion and to enhance the awareness of cultural diversity as a positive and essential value in society.
Resumo:
El Anillo Verde metropolitano, definido por el Plan General de Ordenación Urbana del Área Metropolitana de Madrid en 1963 siguiendo los modelos planteados por la cultura urbanística internacional, como armadura de la estructura urbana del AMM, espacio protagonista dentro del sistema de espacios libres, lugar de uso público destinado al recreo y contacto con la naturaleza de la población madrileña, se convierte en realidad en una reserva de suelo que va entrando en juego motivado por las alianzas entre el poder institucional y la clase social dominante actuando al margen del planeamiento, poniendo en evidencia la escasez de recursos legales y culturales disponibles para la salvaguarda de los intereses comunes y, donde los condicionantes geográficos y naturales del territorio madrileño han influido decisivamente en la especialización funcional y espacial del Área Metropolitana de Madrid. Así pues considerando esta idea como HIPÓTESIS, el objetivo de la TESIS sería demostrarla, para lo cual se hace necesario primero, acotar espacial y temporalmente el objeto de estudio, es decir, del Anillo Verde metropolitano1, segundo, contextualizar histórica y disciplinarmente los presupuestos teóricos que conformaban la idea del Anillo Verde, tercero, reconocer, localizar y documentar las piezas que han ido materializando la ocupación urbana del Anillo Verde, clasificándolas según parámetros temporales, funcionales, urbanísticos y, formales, lo que permite analizar la geografía, uso, instrumentación y forma de su transformación a escala general metropolitana y, cuarto, profundizar a modo de comprobación a escala municipal y urbana en dos escenarios representativos del conjunto metropolitano: el municipio de Pozuelo de Alarcón y el distrito de Hortaleza-Barajas. El contenido del documento se divide en tres bloques, el bloque I, se centra en las bases teóricas, el bloque II sitúa el hilo argumental de la tesis a escala metropolitana y el bloque III comprueba el fenómeno a escala municipal y urbana. De esta forma, se comienza por la comprensión del significado del concepto del Anillo Verde, que va más allá de la dimensión instrumental asignada de límite y contención urbana frente al crecimiento de la ciudad industrial de principios del siglo XX, basada en la descentralización de la ciudad tradicional, para adquirir un significado más complejo, como gran espacio de reserva y salvaguarda de valores naturales y culturales que se expresaban en su territorio y que permitirían alcanzar el equilibrio entre la ciudad y sus habitantes, es decir, entre el hombre y el espacio que habita. Se hace un recorrido por las principales corrientes urbanísticas que se van nutriendo de distintas disciplinas (economía, sociología, geografía, biología, ecología) para plantear teorías que permitieran materializar un nuevo orden urbano según principios de equidad social, económica y ambiental, en una secuencia donde Europa y Estados Unidos realizaban un constante intercambio -el movimiento de la Ciudad Jardín o el Regionalismo, que dieron paso a propuestas como el Greater London o el Gran Berlín, donde la figura del Anillo Verde tenía un papel protagonista, y del que también participaría nuestro país y la ciudad de Madrid, con modelos regionales como el Plan Besteiro y urbanos como el Plan Bidagor, antecedentes directos del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana del Área Metropolitana de Madrid de 1963 que pone en marcha la ordenación del crecimiento metropolitano de Madrid. El hilo argumental de la tesis se organiza en una doble aproximación: un acercamiento a escala metropolitana a partir del reconocimiento del modelo de ciudad definido en los distintos planes generales que acompañaron el desarrollo metropolitano (municipio de Madrid y de los siete términos municipales que rodeaban a este y que tenían suelo destinado a Anillo Verde), haciendo referencia además a las relaciones con el planeamiento regional, concretando en una escala de aproximación municipal que avanza hasta la interpretación urbana detallada. El primer acercamiento tiene lugar en el bloque II y se organiza en tres capítulos. El capítulo 4 se dedica al punto obligado de partida de la geografía local, describiendo las características biofísicas de los terrenos que formaban parte del Anillo Verde, que han marcado históricamente la forma de aprovechamiento del territorio, desde las extensiones de bosques mediterráneos al norte y al oeste continuación del Monte del Pardo, a los distintos tipos de cultivo que se adaptaban al sustrato geológico y la forma del terreno (de las suaves ondulaciones de sedimentos arcósicos al norte a las extensas plataformas arenosas y yesíferas del sur), además de las zonas de huertos aprovechando las depresiones y los cursos de agua (arroyo del Monte Carmelo, arroyo de Valdebebas, arroyo del Quinto, arroyo del Santo, arroyo Butarque, arroyo Meaques y arroyo Pozuelo). Una vez reconocida la realidad física, el capítulo 5, avanza en la descripción de los distintos modelos de ciudad propuestos desde el planeamiento urbanístico, en sus distintas escalas, la regional y la municipal, como respuesta a la coyuntura social, económica y política que ha caracterizado el proceso de ocupación del Anillo Verde al compás de la construcción del AMM. Se han reunido las propuestas de planeamiento municipal de los distintos municipios que disponían de terreno calificado como Anillo Verde: Madrid, Coslada, Getafe, Leganés, Alcorcón, Boadilla del Monte y Pozuelo de Alarcón. Además se han incorporado las distintas propuestas de ordenación territorial que han servido de referencia al planeamiento municipal, en todas sus versiones, desde las sectoriales, de mayor éxito y apoyo institucional, a los distintos intentos de ordenación integral, de mayor complejidad pero de menor calado, precisamente por la dificultad de consenso entre la ordenación física y el desarrollo económico, entre los intereses privados y el beneficio público. El primer horizonte, comienza con la formulación del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana del Área Metropolitana de Madrid de 1963, su desarrollo y la puesta en marcha de los primeros planes municipales en la década de los años setenta, donde se comprueba la necesidad de un marco regional que “ordene” el territorio de forma integral y sirva de referencia a las actuaciones sectoriales que habían marcado el primer desarrollo metropolitano. El segundo, se sitúa dos décadas más tarde con la aprobación del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana de Madrid de 1985 y el conjunto de planes municipales de los términos limítrofes, que siguen su filosofía de austeridad en cuanto a crecimiento territorial. El tercero se inicia en 1997 con la siguiente generación de planes de corte neoliberal que imponen un modelo territorial basado en las grandes operaciones metropolitanas de centralidad, infraestructuras y equipamiento, que consumen de forma indiscriminada la totalidad del territorio madrileño. Será en el último capítulo del segundo bloque (capítulo 6) donde se represente gráficamente a escala metropolitana y se analicen las 229 piezas que han ido colmatando el espacio destinado a Anillo Verde, según los parámetros de estudio, en base a las cuales se plantean las primeras conclusiones generales de la tesis, poniendo de manifiesto que las alianzas entre los agentes soberanos en la construcción de la ciudad y su entorno han trasgredido sucesivamente las determinaciones del Planeamiento en su definición de modelo de ciudad y territorio, acusando la carencia de recursos instrumentales y jurídicos que alentaron el proceso de su desmantelamiento, y revelando la influencia de los condicionantes geográficos y naturales en la especialización funcional y segregación social en el conjunto del Área Metropolitana de Madrid. Se remata el discurso metropolitano con una batería de conclusiones que interpretan el fenómeno de ocupación del anillo de verdor metropolitano confirmando las hipótesis iniciales, reconociendo los valores medioambientales y culturales trasgredidos, sus diversos actores, las numerosas operaciones urbanísticas desarrolladas con distintos usos y envergadura, así como los instrumentos de planeamiento utilizados, en base a las cuales se materializa la construcción del AMM según un modelo extendido (spread), dibujando una mancha de aceite (o grase-spots según Geddes) que precisamente había querido evitarse desde el planeamiento urbanístico con la definición de un Anillo Verde, espacio inmune a la edificación, que se aleja de su papel estructurante (equilibrador entre la ciudad y sus habitantes) para convertirse en armadura de la estructura comunicativa, que una vez consolidada se convierte en la mejor aliada de la máquina inmobiliaria. El último paso, se desarrolla en el bloque III que se divide en los capítulo 7,8 y 9 y supone la comprobación de lo descrito en el conjunto de escala metropolitana, en dos aspectos fundamentales, la falta de consideración por los valores culturales y medioambientales que han modelado el territorio, imprimiéndole un carácter singular y específico y, la estructura del dominio del suelo, donde se reconoce de forma precisa el grupo social y los agentes encargados en cada momento de comercializar los suelos del anillo, que bajo el paraguas de la urgencia social y el engañoso beneficio popular, obtienen importantes beneficios económicos. Con esa intención, se da un salto hacia la escala municipal y urbana, seleccionando dos escenarios de estudio, el municipio de Pozuelo de Alarcón, que representa la materialización del crecimiento suburbano de la élite madrileña ocupando las zonas de mayor valor ecológico del anillo, y el distrito de Hortaleza-Barajas que ofrece su territorio a las grandes operaciones metropolitanas, apoyándose en el eje de actividad marcado por la conexión Madrid-Barcelona y el sistema aeroportuario de escala global, ambos situados al norte de la línea de borde entre la Sierra y la Mancha, ocupando por tanto los lugares más valiosos de la geografía madrileña (estructura funcional anticipada por Bidagor en 1946 en su modelo de ciudad adaptada al territorio madrileño) Una vez descrito este proceso trasgresor de límites, de normas, de conductas, y desde una perspectiva del fenómeno suficientemente documentada, en el capítulo 10, se realiza una reflexión sobre la incidencia real de la propuesta urbanística del Anillo Verde en la construcción del AMM, de la misma forma que se sugieren nuevos roles al planeamiento en un formato intencionado de largo recorrido en oposición a lo inmediato y circunstancial, que permita hacer una nueva lectura de los presupuestos teóricos que conformaban la idea del Anillo Verde, espacio articulador (medioambiental, social y cultural) del territorio madrileño. ABSTRACT The Metropolitan Greenbelt was defined by the 1963 Master Plan for the Madrid Metropolitan Area (MMA), following established international models of urban development, as the structural framework of the MMA, the principal open space within its network of open spaces and a public area of recreation and contact with nature for the residents of Madrid. In reality, however, it ha become a reserve of land in which various alliances between the institutional authorities and the dominant social class have been operating on the margin of the original plan, exposing a scarcity of legal and cultural resources for the safeguarding of common interests, and in which the geographical and natural characteristics of the territory itself have come to play an influential role in the functional specialization and spatial segregation of the MMA. With that idea as its HYPOTHESIS, the aim of this THESIS is to demonstrate its reality. The first step in this is to delineate, temporally and spatially, the object of study; i.e. the Metropolitan Greenbelt2. The second is to contextualize historically and disciplinarily those theoretical ideas which conform to the greenbelt concept. The third is to acknowledge, locate and document the elements which have characterized the urban occupation of the Greenbelt and classify these according to the parameters of time, function, urban development and form, which in turn would enable the geography, use, instrumentation and form of its transformation to be analysed on a general metropolitan scale. The fourth step, as a method of verification, is an in-depth analysis of two representative settings within the metropolitan network: the municipality of Pozuelo de Alarcón and the Hortaleza-Barajas district. The content of the document is divided into three parts. Part I focuses on the study’s theoretical foundations, Part II establishes a line of argument at the metropolitan level and Part III examines the phenomenon from a municipal and urban perspective. The thesis, then, begins with a study of the greenbelt concept itself and its meaning, which is far more complex than the accepted instrumental dimension of limiting and containing urbanization in response to the growth of the industrial city of the early 20th century, and which is based on a decentralization of the traditional city. This wider purpose is the setting aside of a large reserved space to safeguard the natural and cultural values of the region and thereby achieve a balance between the city and its residents; that is to say, between man and the space he inhabits. The principal currents of thought in urban planning will then be examined. These have drawn upon a variety of disciplines (economics, sociology, geography, biology, ecology) to develop theories for establishing a new urban order according to the principles of social, economic and environmental equity, and have involved a constant interchange between Europe and the United States. Thus, the City Garden and Regionalist movements would clear the way for proposals such as Greater London and Great Berlin, Chicago and Washington, in which the greenbelt would play a fundamental role. The participation of our own country and the city of Madrid is also discussed, through regional models such as the Besteiro Plan and urban ones like the Bidagor Plan, direct forerunners of 1963’s General Organizational Plan for the Madrid Metropolitan Area, which would set into motion the organization of Madrid’s metropolitan growth. The line of argument followed in this thesis is two-fold: first, an examination of metropolitan development in keeping with the city model as defined in the various General Plans for the development of both the municipality of Madrid and the seven surrounding municipalities which have land designated for its Greenbelt; and second, an examination of this growth in relation to Regional Planning measures, is detailed on a smaller scale (municipal and district), where the conditioning factors affecting the land property structure and the network of biophysical units may be analysed in depth. The first of these is dealt with in Part II and organized into three chapters (4, 5 and 6). Chapter 4 is dedicated to the obligatory starting point of the geographical setting itself. The biophysical characteristics of the territories set aside for the Greenbelt, and which historically have played a role in the area’s exploitation, are described here. These range from expanses of Mediterranean woodland to the north and west of Monte del Pardo to the various types of farmland that have been adapted to the geological substratum and the contours of the terrain (gentle undulations of arkosic sediment in the north, and wide sandy and gypsiferous tableland in the south), as well as orchards planted in low valleys and along watercourses (the creeks of Monte Carmelo, Valdebebas, Quinto, Santo, Butarque, Meaques and Pozuelo). Once this physical reality ha been detailed, in Chapter 5 will examine the various city models proposed by urban planners, both regionally and municipally, in response to the confluence of social, economic and political interests that have characterized the process of occupation in the Greenbelt area during the construction of the MMA. Municipal planning proposals will be collected and examined for the various municipalities which have land designated for the Greenbelt: Madrid, Coslada, Getafe, Leganés, Alcorcón, Boadilla del Monte and Pozuelo de Alarcón. Furthermore, the various territorial organization proposals which have served as references for municipal planning will also be addressed here, in all of their versions –from the sectorial, which have met with more success and institutional approval, to the many attempts at integration, which have been more complex but less influential, precisely for the difficulty of reconciling physical organization with economic development, and private interest with public benefit. The first period in this process was the development of the General Plan of 1963, followed by the first municipal development plans of the 1970s, in which the need for a regional framework that “organized” the territory in an integral fashion was defined. This would serve as a reference for the sectorial actions that marked the metropolitan area’s initial development. The second came two decades later with the approval of the General Plan of 1985, and the network of municipal plans for the surrounding communities, which followed the same philosophy of austerity with regard to territorial growth. The third would begin to take form in 1997, as a new generation of neo-liberal development plans imposed a territorial model based on centralized large-scale metropolitan operations of infrastructure and equipment, which would indiscriminately consume the totality of Madrid’s land. At the end of the Part II, in Chapter 6, the metropolitan area will be represented graphically and the 229 pieces that have been gradually encroaching upon land designated for the Greenbelt will be analysed. This analysis will be carried out according to the parameters defined for the study, and the first general conclusions of the thesis will be based on its findings. It will show how alliances between the various governing authorities in the construction of the city and its environment have successively violated established plans with regard to the definitions of city and territory, how shortages of instrumental and judicial resources have accentuated the dismantling process, and how natural and geographical factors have influenced functional specialization and social segregation in the Madrid Metropolitan Area. The final step, detailed in Part III, will address two fundamental aspects of what has just been described: the lack of consideration for the cultural and environmental values which have shaped this territory and imprinted upon it a specific and unique character; and the structure of land domination, with a precise identification of the social group and agents responsible at each stage of the Greenbelt’s commercialization, who, under an umbrella of social urgency and deceptive public benefit, have used it to obtain substantial financial rewards. For this purpose, a closer look is taken at two specific areas: the municipality of Pozuelo de Alarcón, representative of the suburban growth of an elite population which has occupied the Greenbelt areas of the greatest ecological value; and the Hortaleza-Barajas district, which has offered its territory to large metropolitan business interests, based on activities centred on the connection between Madrid and Barcelona and the system of international air travel. Both of these settings are located to the north of the line which divides the Sierra from La Mancha, and thus occupy the most valuable land in the Madrid region (a functional structure anticipated by Bidagor in 1946, with his city model adapted to the territory of Madrid). Finally, an attempt will be made to interpret the phenomenon of metropolitan Greenbelt occupation, confirming initial hypotheses, specifying the environmental and cultural values that have been violated, and identifying the various players involved, as well as numerous urbanization operations of varying sizes and interests, and the instruments of planning they have used. It will be seen from this that the construction of the MMA has in fact followed a “spread” model, a “grease spot” (as Geddes calls it) which, from the outset of the planning process and according to the definition of a greenbelt as a construction-free zone, was precisely to be avoided. This structural role (to provide a balance between a city and its residents) has thus been abandoned and the Greenbelt converted instead into a communicative framework which, once consolidated, has become the greatest ally of the real estate machine. After this process of violating limits, norms and established behaviour has been described and solidly documented, a reflection will be made on the real influence of the Greenbelt proposal in the construction of the MMA. At the same time, new roles will be suggested for future planning, roles which are deliberate and long term, in opposition to the immediate and circumstantial. This will enable a new interpretation of the theoretical principles behind the greenbelt concept, a space designed to connect the territory of Madrid environmentally, socially and culturally.
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Uma compreensão aprofundada da dinâmica de competição portuária é particularmente importante dado o contexto atual do setor, que orienta à outorga de novos portos e terminais no Brasil, à luz da Nova Lei dos Portos, Lei Nº 12.815 de 2013. A avaliação dos reais impactos decorrentes do aumento de capacidade portuária em cada região será atividade fundamental para que, por um lado, o poder público oriente a alocação efetiva de recursos, sem prejudicar a operação dos complexos existentes; e para que a iniciativa privada, por sua vez, possa compreender os impactos dos possíveis novos empreendimentos sobre as suas operações e delinear estratégias comerciais compatíveis com o novo cenário competitivo. A partir de extensa revisão bibliográfica e da aplicação de técnicas a casos específicos, o presente trabalho detalha a dinâmica competitiva entre terminais de contêineres e avalia criticamente seis métodos utilizados para identificar a existência de competição: correlação de market share, comparação de taxas de ocupação, sobreposição de escalas marítimas, comparação de custos logísticos terrestres, representatividade da região de influência contestável e existência de poder de mercado sobre a região de influência. Dos seis métodos analisados, dois apresentam conclusões fulminantes para a questão, embora sua aplicação demande grande volume de informações; um é assertivo em condições normais de distribuição geográfica de cargas; dois apresentam condições necessárias, porém não suficientes para a identificação de competição; e um deve ser aplicado com ressalvas, uma vez que pode levar a conclusões equivocadas.
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In this paper the model of an Innovative Monitoring Network involving properly connected nodes to develop an Information and Communication Technology (ICT) solution for preventive maintenance of historical centres from early warnings is proposed. It is well known that the protection of historical centres generally goes from a large-scale monitoring to a local one and it could be supported by a unique ICT solution. More in detail, the models of a virtually organized monitoring system could enable the implementation of automated analyses by presenting various alert levels. An adequate ICT solution tool would allow to define a monitoring network for a shared processing of data and results. Thus, a possible retrofit solution could be planned for pilot cases shared among the nodes of the network on the basis of a suitable procedure utilizing a retrofit catalogue. The final objective would consist in providing a model of an innovative tool to identify hazards, damages and possible retrofit solutions for historical centres, assuring an easy early warning support for stakeholders. The action could proactively target the needs and requirements of users, such as decision makers responsible for damage mitigation and safeguarding of cultural heritage assets.
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Dissertação apresentada à Escola Superior Agrária do Instituto Politécnico de Castelo Branco para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Inovação e Qualidade na Produção Alimentar.
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All Eurosystem credit operations, including the important open market operations, need to be based on adequate collateral. Liquidity is provided to banks against collateral at market prices subject to a haircut. The Eurosystem adapted its collateral framework during the crisis to accept lower-rated assets as collateral. Higher haircuts are applied to insure against liquidity risk as well as the greater volatility of prices of lower-rated assets. The adaptation of the collateral framework was necessary to provide sufficient liquidity to banks in the euro area periphery in particular. In crisis countries, special emergency liquidity assistance was provided. More than 80 percent of the European Central Bank’s liquidity (Main Refinancing Operations and Long Term Refinancing Operations) is provided to banks in five countries (Greece, Ireland, Italy, Portugal and Spain). The changes in the collateral framework were necessary for the ECB to fulfil its treaty-based mandate of providing liquidity to solvent banks and safeguarding financial stability. The ECB did not take on board excessive risks.
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Promoting sustainable forms of natural resource management is a challenge land users are unable to tackle solely on their own initiative. Soil and land degradation remains an unresolved problem of global environmental change. There is a need for concerted international action that directly addresses this issue at the global level. A discussion of action to promote the sustainable use of soils and land took place in a working group established by the International Union of Soil Sciences (IUSS) in 1998. The present publication reports on the results of this discussion and proposes that the international community establish a ‘world soils agenda’ that will enable the scientific community, international institutions and their national partners to work together towards the common goal of safeguarding soils and land as resources central to our own survival as well as the Earth’s biological wealth.
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The present data publication provides permanent links to original and updated versions of validated data files. The data files include properties of seawater, particulate matter and dissolved matter that were measured from discrete water samples collected with Niskin bottles during the 2009-2013 Tara Oceans expedition. Properties include pigment concentrations from HPLC analysis (10 depths per vertical profile, 25 pigments per depth), the carbonate system (Surface and 400m; pH (total scale), CO2, pCO2, fCO2, HCO3, CO3, Total alkalinity, Total carbon, OmegaAragonite, OmegaCalcite, and dosage Flags), nutrients (10 depths per vertical profile; NO2, PO4, N02/NO3, SI, quality Flags), DOC, CDOM, and dissolved oxygen isotopes. The Service National d'Analyse des Paramètres Océaniques du CO2, at the Université Pierre et Marie Curie, determined CT and AT potentiometrically (Edmond 1970; DOE 1994) on samples preserved according to Dickson et al. (2007). More than 250 vertical profiles of these properties were made across the world ocean. DOC, CDOM and dissolved oxygen isotopes are available only for the Arctic Ocean and Arctic Seas (2013).
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Recognizing the need to share critical information, the State of Illinois established the Illinois Integrated Justice Information System (IIJIS) Governing Board in 2001. This board, comprised of representatives from state, county, and municipal justice agencies, was charged with the responsibility of developing a plan for justice information sharing in Illinois. Their report, the Illinois Integrated Justice Information System Strategic Plan, was completed in December 2002. In order to implement the strategic plan developed by the IIJIS Board, Governor Rod Blagojevich created the Illinois Integrated Justice Information System Implementation Board in 2003. Created by executive Order 16, the IIJIS Implementation Board is an intergovernmental effort dedicated to improving the administration of justice in Illinois. It was created in recognition of the need to improve information sharing and to meet challenges to public safety, such as those presented by the tragic events of September 11, 2001, and the Washington, DC serial sniper incident. In light of the demand for increased access to critical subject information, the Board is additionally charged with the responsibility of safeguarding individual privacy rights and preventing unauthorized disclosures of information.
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O objetivo principal da pesquisa encetada foi o de ressaltar a importância do discurso de Ellen White, uma importante líder religiosa do século XIX, nos Estados Unidos da América, para a formação de um estilo e prática de vida, que ainda hoje caracteriza os adventistas do sétimo dia no que se refere a saúde. Outro, não menos importante objetivo, foi o de comparar os principais conceitos de Ellen White sobre saúde e estilo de vida com algumas preocupações científicas e acadêmicas contemporâneas. Para isso, este trabalho mostra como a lista de oito remédios naturais propostos por White sumarizam o ideal de uma vida saudável ainda praticada por milhões de adventistas, 100 anos após a morte de sua Profetiza: ar puro, água, alimentação adequada, luz solar, exercícios físicos, repouso, abstinência, e confiança em Deus. Os conselhos de White foram contrastados com várias práticas culturais que relacionam religião e saúde, levando-nos à conclusão que a cultura adventista tem se mostrado como a mais adequada na salvaguarda da saúde. Isto porque White apresentou uma síntese de elementos da cultura judaica, cristã e ocidental. Nesse sentido, as suas orientações garantem-lhe um lugar privilegiado no movimento de reforma da saúde nos Estados Unidos que ocorreu naquele País na segunda metade do século XIX. Muitos de seus conselhos estão sendo atualmente colocados em prática por todos aqueles que se preocupam com a saúde, longevidade, e a adequação do estilo de vida com as regras inspiradas na natureza e numa espiritualidade sadia.
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In the National Health Service (NHS) in England and Wales an oversight body, the Audit Commission (AC), defines the scope of the external auditors’ work, appoints the auditors and has oversight of their fees and audit quality. This heavily regulated audit regime mitigates some of the deficiencies observed in high profile corporate failures. Independence, it has been argued, is influenced by the total auditor remuneration paid by the client. In this study we examine total auditor remuneration in a regulated market which seeks to ensure audit independence and audit quality. In particular we undertake rigorous analysis of auditor remuneration by the type of auditor: We place emphasis on the differentiation between private sector firms and the AC’s in-house auditors (District Audit). Individual private audit firms charge premiums (up to 16%) for particular audit work in identified locations, but no premiums were found when we examined total auditor remuneration. The regime appears to permit efficient operation of the audit market while safeguarding both audit independence and standards.