CEPAL Review no.60

Development thinking and policies: the way ahead / Gert Rosenthal. -- Macroeconomic policies for growth / Ricardo Ffrench-Davis. -- Capital flows: lessons from the Chilean experience / Eduardo Aninat, Christian Lorrain. -- Changes In the industrial development of Latin America / José Miguel Benavente, Gustavo Crespi, Jorge Katz, Giovanni Stumpo. -- Pension system reforms in Latin America: the position of the International organizations / Carmelo Mesa-Lago. -- The contributions of applied anthropology to peasant development / John Durston. -- Biodiversity prospecting: a new panacea for development? / Julie M. Feinsilver. -- Foreign Investment and competitive development In Latin America and the Caribbean / Alejandro C. Vera-Vassallo. -- The Mexican peso crisis / Stephany Grijfìth-Jones.

为平等的结构改变 综合发展

In today's complex and changing global context, the Latin American and Caribbean region must persevere, more than ever, in three directions: structural change to underpin progress towards more knowledge-intensive sectors, convergence to reduce internal and external gaps in income and productivity, and equality of rights. This is the integrated approach proposed by ECLAC as a route towards the development the region needs. This implies tackling three major challenges: to achieve high and sustained rates of growth so as to close structural gaps and generate quality jobs; to change consumption and production patterns in the context of a genuine technological revolution with environmental sustainability; and to guarantee equality on the basis of greater convergence in the production structure, with universal social protection and capacity-building. Such an endeavour requires the return of politics and of the State's role in promoting investment and growth, redistribution and regulation with a view to structural change for equality, through industrial, macroeconomic, social and labour policies. These are some of the key proposals of Structural Change for Equality: An Integrated Approach to Development, which ECLAC will present to its member States at the thirty-fourth session of the Commission (San Salvador, August 2012). The proposals in that document, which is summarized here, deepen and broaden the ideas set forth in Time for equality: closing gaps, opening trails, aiming towards sustainable development with equality and taking into account the diverse national conditions across the region.

The United States subprime mortgage crisis and its implications for the Caribbean

The bursting of the property bubble – subprime mortgage crisis – in 2007 in the United States has engendered panic, recession fears and turmoil in the global financial system. Although the United States economy grew by 0.6 per cent in the last quarter of 2007, down from 4.9 per cent in the previous quarter, day by day worsening scenarios emerge, from escalating oil prices, to a depreciating dollar and financial institutions’ bailout by the Federal Reserve. Many economists and policy makers share the view that a subprime-led recession – i.e. two consecutive quarters with negative growth – is inevitable and will be much deeper and longer than the 2001 dot-com downturn. Moreover, the critical situation of the financial system has driven some analysts to argue that should the monetary policy response fails to restore confidence among investors, the outcome would be the worst crisis seen since the Great Depression. This pessimism is not only among specialists. Indeed, in late March 2008 the Consumer Confidence Index in the United States recorded its lowest level since February 1992. A recession in the United States will undoubtedly have an important impact on the world economy, despite the continuous rapid growth experienced by emerging economies, particularly China and India. The purpose of this article is threefold: first, to characterize the current situation in the United States economy; second, to discuss the economic policy responses; and finally, to elaborate on how Caribbean economies may be affected.

Estudio Económico de América Latina y el Caribe 2015: desafíos para impulsar el ciclo de inversión con miras a reactivar el crecimiento

En su edición 2015, el Estudio Económico de América Latina y el Caribe consta de tres partes. En la primera se resume el desempeño de la economía regional durante 2014 y se analizan la evolución durante el primer semestre de 2015 y las perspectivas para el resto del año. En la segunda parte se analiza la dinámica de la inversión en los países de América Latina y el Caribe, su relación con el ciclo económico, el papel de la inversión pública, las carencias en infraestructura y los desafíos de financiamiento de la inversión privada. En la página web de la CEPAL (http://www.cepal.org/es/publicaciones/38713-estudio-economico-de-america-latina-y-el-caribe-2015-desafios-para-impulsar-el) está disponible la tercera parte, que contiene las notas referentes al desempeño económico de los países de América Latina y el Caribe durante 2014 y el primer semestre de 2015, así como los respectivos anexos estadísticos, en que se muestra la evolución de los principales indicadores económicos de los países de la región. La fecha límite de actualización de la información estadística de la presente publicación ha sido el 30 de junio de 2015.

Centroamérica y República Dominicana: evolución económica en 2015 y perspectivas para 2016. Balance preliminar

El presente documento hace un balance preliminar de las economías de Centroamérica y la República Dominicana (CARD) en 2015 y ofrece perspectivas para 2016. Es un análisis de aoyuntura elaborado por la Unidad de Desarrollo Económico de la sede Subregional de la CEPAL en México, con información disponible al 31 de enero de 2016. En primer lugar se analiza el contexto internacional, en particular los eventos que impactan directamente a las economías de CARD. En segundo término, se presentan los rasgos generales de la evolución económica de los países bajo estudio, para, en tercer lugar, hacer un análisis en materia de política fiscal, monetaria, cambiaria y comercial. En cuarto lugar, se estucia la evolución del sector externo y, por último, se analiza la actividad económica, los precios y el empleo.

El desarrollo económico de la América Latina y algunos de sus principales problemas

Edición realizada con motivo del proyecto "Raúl Prebisch y los desafíos del Desarrollo del siglo XXI"

Uma nova ofensiva do capital?: impactos do neoliberalismo e da reestruturação produtiva na ação sindical e no setor calçadista de Franca - SP

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Hugo Bettarello e a Agabê: da modernidade almejada aos calçados made in Brazil (1945-1980)

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Os regimes de investimento direto estrangeiro no Brasil: regulação e política externa nacional

Pós-graduação em Relações Internacionais (UNESP - UNICAMP - PUC-SP) - FFC

Essays on the political economy of European integration

Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.