Applying Habermas's critical theory to public administration and policy: A case study of Florida Everglades restoration program

The foundation of Habermas's argument, a leading critical theorist, lies in the unequal distribution of wealth across society. He states that in an advanced capitalist society, the possibility of a crisis has shifted from the economic and political spheres to the legitimation system. Legitimation crises increase the more government intervenes into the economy (market) and the "simultaneous political enfranchisement of almost the entire adult population" (Holub, 1991, p. 88). The reason for this increase is because policymakers in advanced capitalist democracies are caught between conflicting imperatives: they are expected to serve the interests of their nation as a whole, but they must prop up an economic system that benefits the wealthy at the expense of most workers and the environment. Habermas argues that the driving force in history is an expectation, built into the nature of language, that norms, laws, and institutions will serve the interests of the entire population and not just those of a special group. In his view, policy makers in capitalist societies are having to fend off this expectation by simultaneously correcting some of the inequities of the market, denying that they have control over people's economic circumstances, and defending the market as an equitable allocator of income. (deHaven-Smith, 1988, p. 14). Critical theory suggests that this contradiction will be reflected in Everglades policy by communicative narratives that suppress and conceal tensions between environmental and economic priorities. Habermas’ Legitimation Crisis states that political actors use various symbols, ideologies, narratives, and language to engage the public and avoid a legitimation crisis. These influences not only manipulate the general population into desiring what has been manufactured for them, but also leave them feeling unfulfilled and alienated. Also known as false reconciliation, the public's view of society as rational, and "conductive to human freedom and happiness" is altered to become deeply irrational and an obstacle to the desired freedom and happiness (Finlayson, 2005, p. 5). These obstacles and irrationalities give rise to potential crises in the society. Government's increasing involvement in Everglades under advanced capitalism leads to Habermas's four crises: economic/environmental, rationality, legitimation, and motivation. These crises are occurring simultaneously, work in conjunction with each other, and arise when a principle of organization is challenged by increased production needs (deHaven-Smith, 1988). Habermas states that governments use narratives in an attempt to rationalize, legitimize, obscure, and conceal its actions under advanced capitalism. Although there have been many narratives told throughout the history of the Everglades (such as the Everglades was a wilderness that was valued as a wasteland in its natural state), the most recent narrative, “Everglades Restoration”, is the focus of this paper.(PDF contains 4 pages)

Lundgreen, Peter unter Mitarbeit von Jürgen Schallmann: Die Lehrer an den Schulen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1949-2009, Datenhandbuch zur deutschen Bildungsgeschichte, Band XI, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2013 [...] [Sammelrezension]

Sammelrezension: 1. Lundgreen, Peter unter Mitarbeit von Jürgen Schallmann: Die Lehrer an den Schulen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1949-2009, Datenhandbuch zur deutschen Bildungsgeschichte, Band XI, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2013, (352 S.; ISBN 978-3-525-36388-5; 89,99 EUR) 2. András Németh / Ehrenhardt Skiera (Hrsg.): Lehrerbildung in Europa, Geschichte, Struktur und Reform, (Erziehung in Wissenschaft und Praxis; Bd. 9), Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang 2012 (340 S.; ISBN 978-3-631-62454-8; 51,95 EUR)

Melancholy and the Early Modern University

Critics have observed that in early Stuart England, the broad, socially significant concept of melancholy was recoded as a specifically medical phenomenon—a disease rather than a fashion. This recoding made melancholy seem less a social attitude than a private ailment. However, I argue that at the Stuart universities, this recoded melancholy became a covert expression of the disillusionment, disappointment, and frustration produced by pressures there—the overcrowding and competition which left many men “disappointed” in preferment, alongside James I’s unprecedented royal involvement in the universities. My argument has implications for Jürgen Habermas’s account of the emergence of the public sphere, which he claims did not occur until the eighteenth-century. I argue that although the university was increasingly subordinated to the crown’s authority, a lingering sense of autonomy persisted there, a residue of the medieval university’s relative autonomy from the crown; politicized by the encroaching Stuart presence, an alienated community at the university formed a kind of public in private from authority within that authority’s midst. The audience for the printed book, a sphere apart from court or university, represented a forum in which the publicity at the universities could be consolidated, especially in seemingly “private” literary forms such as the treatise on melancholy. I argue that Robert Burton’s exaggerated performance of melancholy in The Anatomy of Melancholy, which gains him license to say almost anything, resembles the performed melancholy that the student-prince Hamlet uses to frustrate his uncle’s attempts to surveil him. After tracing melancholy’s evolving literary function through Hamlet, I go on to discuss James’s interventions into the universities. I conclude by considering two printed (and widely circulated) books by university men: the aforementioned The Anatomy of Melancholy by Burton, an Oxford cleric, and The Temple by George Herbert, who left a career as Cambridge’s public orator to become a country parson. I examine how each of these books uses the affective pattern of courtly-scholarly disappointment—transumed by Burton as melancholy, and by Herbert as holy affliction—to develop an empathic form of publicity among its readership which is in tacit opposition to the Stuart court.

Communication, recognition and social work: Aligning the ethical theories of Habermas and Honneth

The modern world is replete with ethical challenges of Orwellian proportions. The violation of human rights and misrecognition of identities are two of the most pressing examples. In this paper, the ethical theories of Habermas and Honneth are aligned as a way of addressing these specific challenges within social work. It is suggested that these theories are complementary, mutually rectifying and concordant at the meta-ethical level of analysis. The alignment is also justified, pargmatically, through the construction of three hypothetical vignettes demonstrating different kinds of practice dilemmas. The need for egalitarian communication and the imperative to recognise human identity in all its dimensions subsequently emerge as the two foundation stones for ethical deliberation in social work.

Further reflections on Habermas's contribution to discourse in child protection: An examination of power in social life

Hayes and Houston's positive review of Habermas's contribution to discourse in family group conferences (in this journal) has been challenged by Garrett. In this paper, one of the authors replies to Garrett but extends the analysis through a more considered, developed and detailed examination of Habermas's thoughts on power in social life. This leads to a conceptual framework that enables the participants in the conference to exercise power in a positive manner. In developing this earlier analysis, the paper also acknowledges Garrett's argument that Bourdieu helps us to understand the nature of constraining social structures in child protection. However, Bourdieu's ideas are subsequently challenged on the grounds that they lack a competent formulation on human agency - a faculty that Habermas cogently elucidates. This enlarged understanding of agency, it is argued, offers a theoretical resource that fits better with the ethos of emancipatory social work.

Los límites de la teoría distributiva : hacia una política del reconocimiento de la diferencia

El artículo elabora una crítica a la teoría de la justicia distributiva formulada por John Rawls haciendo énfasis en los principios de la igualdad y de la diferencia. De manera paralela, analiza las tesis feministas y las perspectivas desarrolladas por Iris Marion Young y Nancy Fraser con el objeto de señalar los principales límites de la propuesta de Rawls.

Noticieros televisivos en Colombia, un arma de doble filo. El fenómeno del regionalismo informativo

Este artículo especializado se adentra en la definición, argumentación y demostración de un fenómeno comunicativo denominado regionalismo informativo. Esta problemática involucra a los canales de televisión privada y regional, así como pone de manifiesto las responsabilidades estatales. Con el objetivo de validar la hipótesis de la existencia del regionalismo informativo, se llevó a cabo una investigación que recolectó datos cuantitativos y cualitativos que, junto a la valiosa información brindada por especialistas en el tema, ayudó a desenmascarar las características más relevantes de este moderno fenómeno. Se determinó que la relación entre intereses comerciales y medios televisivos privados constituye un riesgo notable para las sanas prácticas del servicio de la televisión. Ante este panorama, se detectó que los canales regionales toman suprema importancia de acuerdo con los ideales y objetivos por los cuales fueron creados.

Transformaciones discursivas en el proceso de securitización del narcotráfico. Un análisis de los actos discursivos oficiales de Colombia y Estados Unidos en la Guerra contra las drogas 1986 - 1990

El tema de las drogas suscita un debate entre quienes defienden la prohibición y la represión, y aquellos que defienden alternativas como la legalización y/o regulación y otras más moderadas como la descriminalización y la despenalización. Aunque ambas posturas muestran datos empíricos que las soportan, desde el ámbito discursivo la visión represiva se ha posicionado como la más aceptada en el continente americano, más específicamente, en Latinoamérica. El presente trabajo, hace un estudio de caso del proceso de securitización del narcotráfico entre los presidentes de Estados Unidos y Colombia durante el período 1986-1990. A lo largo del texto, se analizan discursos oficiales de los presidentes de ambos Estados, resaltando las estrategias retóricas y sus transformaciones que legitimaron acciones represivas de tipo político-militar contra las drogas. Al final se apunta a reivindicar el discurso como un instrumento para reproducir creencias sobre fenómenos, en este caso, la creencia de que las drogas son una amenaza existencial a la seguridad política y militar para los Estados.