902 resultados para Energy - Brazilian foreing policy
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Este artigo demarca a intensificação das pressões sobre as condições tradicionais de formulação e implementação das decisões no campo da política externa. A análise permite compreender melhor o aumento da tensão sobre as condições que garantem uma situação de continuidade e previsibilidade da atuação externa brasileira. Nesse sentido, o governo Lula não é a causa dessa pressão por mudança, mas sua lógica governamental contribui para intensificar e acelerar essas pressões.
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O texto tece considerações sobe o desenvolvimento das relações internacionais como área de estudos no país; trata principalmente da política externa brasileira.
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The current article aims to update the discussion on the South American context making use of the theory of Regional Security Regional Complexes (RSC). It begins with a theoretical discussion, based on Buzan and Wæver's work. It then presents the hypothesis that, differently from what is assumed in the literature, the South American RSC is not a standard one, but a centred one, in which the centre is not a global power. An empirical analysis follows, showing that Brazil possesses the necessary resources, and has presented some cogent political initiatives, such as the creation of the Union of South American Nations (Unasur) and its Defense Council (SDC), but in other moments has been reluctant take a leadership role in South America. The analysis concludes that, regarding its configuration, the South American RSC corroborates the authors' hypothesis and that Brazil should consolidate its role at the centre of such a complex.
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS
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Pós-graduação em Relações Internacionais (UNESP - UNICAMP - PUC-SP) - FFC
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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South-South Cooperation has become one of the axis of the Brazilian foreign policy, especially when related to Africa. Besides the economic, political and technologic areas, among others, the Brazilian government created a series of cooperation agreements with many African countries in the field of security and defense. This paper analyses the objective and reach of the actions concerning South-South Cooperation between the government of Brazil and the African countries, especially the ones from Atlantic Africa, making use of a bibliography related to the subject and sources derived from the Ministry of External Affairs and the Ministry of Defense.
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This paper aims to examine regional integration processes in South America, particularly in Mercosur. The point of departure is the study of Brazilian foreign policy in the region. Possible consequences of international changes will be discussed, as well as the significance of new social and political forces. Continuity and ruptures in Brazilian behaviour as regards integration will be identified to understand strengths and weaknesses in building an independent position and in search of balance among other international power centres.
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The aim of this article is to analyse the meaning of Mercosur for Brazilian foreign policy. To this end, we discuss the perceptions of the Brazilian elites concerning the regional integration process. The defence of the principle of inter-governmentalism is related to the conception of Mercosur's place within Brazil's international relations. The fact that principles such as universalism and sovereignty are very highly valued ends up affecting the deepening of the integration. The hypothesis of this article is that the Mercosur structure is in line with the perceptions of part of the Brazilian elites, which has put less emphasis on integration since the late 1990s. Our argument is that the current structure is insufficient to guarantee the dynamics of integration.
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The disaster natural disaster stand as one of the greatest challenges of urban man. Cities are built and modeled as a function of economic and political issues, without respecting environmental characteristics. So it is possible to see through the data of the National Civil Defence large number of disasters occurring in Brazilian cities in the years 2009 to 2011, and in all were reported over 5000 occurrences of natural disasters over the years. The Brazilian public policy failures show up in issues of urban planning where to admit the allocation of people in inappropriate areas. Another issue to be considered is the non-response of the population to civil defense warnings, people often prefer to risk staying in high-risk areas for fear of being robbed while they are away, and end up not serving the notices given by the Civil Defense, increase thus the number of victims when in fact the weather event triggers natural disasters one
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The object of this study was to analyze the process of implementing the compulsory education to nine years, according to the Law 11.274/06, in Rio Claro. Thus it was established a brief analysis of the trajectory of Brazilian educational policy that began with the Law of Directives and Bases 4.024/61 and was followed by the Law 5.692/71, the 1988 Federal Constitution, the Law of Directives and Bases 9394 / 96, the National Educational Plan - Law 10.172/01, Law 11.114/05, 11.274/06 and the Constitutional Amendment. 59/2009, pointing to increase access to education that aims to expand and ensure free education and compulsory basic education for children aging from 04 to 17 years old. The research has been based on collecting bibliographical data, information and data for the municipality of Rio Claro, through official documents, semi-structured interviews, and research on government websites. The expansion of basic education to nine years has been securing the rights gained over time through education. Moreover, this expansion of education promotes a questioning about the quality of teaching and a concern for the financial contributions required for education.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em Relações Internacionais (UNESP - UNICAMP - PUC-SP) - FFC
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This paper analyzes the dynamics of Brazilian cultural policy between 1995 and 2010. Studies related defend the existence of a "contrast" between the results obtained by the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003- 2010), that divide it between a model "neo-liberal" and a "democratic" model of cultural policy. Our main achievement is to produce empirical knowledge that can verify these claims. The build of indicators was guided by the theoretical assumption of the historical new institutionalism, discussed by Pierson (2006), and the observed universe comprises the totality of cultural producers who have submitted projects to “Mecenato”, registered in SALICNET - Ministry of Culture.