824 resultados para EU citizenship


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Immunoglobulin A (IgA) is the main secretory immunoglobulin of mucous membranes and is powerfully induced by the presence of commensal microbes in the intestine. B cells undergo class switch recombination to IgA in the mucosa-associated lymphoid tissues, particularly mesenteric lymph nodes (MLNs) and Peyer's patches, through both T-dependent and T-independent pathways. IgA B cells primed in the mucosa traffic from the intestinal lymphoid structures, initially through the lymphatics and then join the bloodstream, to home back to the intestinal mucosa as IgA-secreting plasma cells. Once induced, anti-bacterial IgA can be extremely long-lived but is replaced if there is induction of additional IgA specificities by other microbes. The mucosal immune system is anatomically separated from the systemic immune system by the MLNs, which act as a firewall to prevent penetration of live intestinal bacteria to systemic sites. Dendritic cells sample intestinal bacteria and induce B cells to switch to IgA. In contrast, intestinal macrophages are adept at killing extracellular bacteria and are able to clear bacteria that have crossed the mucus and epithelial barriers. There is both a continuum between innate and adaptive immune mechanisms and compartmentalization of the mucosal immune system from systemic immunity that function to preserve host microbial mutualism.

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This was an interdisciplinary cross-cultural project which subjected Czech citizens to theoretical analysis and empirical examination. In the first, theoretical, part of the work a typology of post-totalitarian citizenship was proposed containing five types of citizens: responsible democratic, social materialistic, passive asocial, hedonistic consuming, and predatory antisocial. While democratic citizenship stems from preserved civic virtues, the deficient types of citizenship are partially caused by the post-totalitarian syndrome. In the concrete empirical studies of the international context the most significant aspects of citizenship were examined. Czech citizens (students) displayed an encouraging level of political civic culture when they loaded more often than six other national samples on the factor of democratic citizenship (based on a questionnaire and Q-sort by Feierabend, Q-factor analysis), but their level of loyalty and low critical rebelliousness can also be seen as reason for concern. The Czech population provided contrasting results in measures of civility; although chronically complaining about interpersonal relations, they passed relatively well in a series of situational field experiments even in the international comparison (Levine's helping measures. Czech nationalism is primarily "cultural nationalism", which is less favourable for democratic citizenship than the "civic nationalism" of Americans.

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The problems confronted by people who experience mental disorders are often conceptualised in terms of health and illness. However, these problems extend far beyond the healthcare system, into all areas of human life. Having a psychiatric diagnosis may have a negative impact on every aspect of the individual’s life, leading to the deprivation or limitation of rights in relation to housing, employment, and family life. In this article, some of these problems are discussed within the theoretical framework of debates on citizenship and on human rights. As the context is Europe, reference is made to the recent policy initiatives with the EU, to national and European level consumer organisations and to cases brought before the European Court of Human Rights.

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For several reasons citizenship and democracy has moved into political and research focus. Socio-cultural tensions and inequalities created by globalisation processes boosted by neo-liberal modes of government seem to inspire a concern with “social cohesion”, and the European Community assigns a key role to education in engendering European democratic citizenship. It can be questioned whether it is within the scope of educational programmes to ensure social integration and democracy. However, to clarify the perspectives of the educational issue, the article discusses the conflicts and relationships between cultural identity and democracy within a framework of modernity before returning to the issue of education for democratic citizenship. It is shown on the basis of empirical studies that family background interacts with school factors in the reproduction of democratic inequalities. It is also indicated, however, that this must not be considered an unchangeable pedagogical fact, and the article briefly sketches a set of pedagogical and research challenges concerned with educating for democratic empowerment at different levels of school practice. Although this paper focuses on education and the educational system, the arguments and findings presented can also claim relevance for social pedagogy and social work, esp. in respect of recent developments that stress the educational dimensions of social work.

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This article explores children’s participation and citizenship, taking its point of departure in the empirical observation of a paradox: On the hand there is a general participatory climate and a growing commitment to empowerment of children, and on the other hand some children’s experience of discrimination, disciplining and distrust. The analysis is structured into three main parts: 1) Participation, approached from Hart’s Ladder of Participation and Bourdieu’s theorizing of power dynamics; 2) Rights, using Marshall’s tripartite conceptualization, namely civil rights, political rights and social rights, supplemented by a discussion of the right to care and cultural rights; and 3) Identity, theorized using Delanty’s conceptualization of citizenship as a learning process The article concludes that children’s citizenship, and the initiatives that are accounted for as facilitating their well being and participation though social work, too often tend towards tokenism if not discriminatory disciplining and exclusion, rather than empowerment, due to political, organisational and discursively shaped power relations.

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Discussing new or recently reformed citizenship tests in the USA, Australia, and Canada, this article asks whether they amount to a restrictive turn of new world citizenship, similar to recent developments in Europe. I argue that elements of a restrictive turn are noticeable in Australia and Canada, but only at the level of political rhetoric, not of law and policy, which remain liberal and inclusive. Much like in Europe, the restrictive turn is tantamount to Muslims and Islam moving to the center of the integration debate.