186 resultados para Broke,
Resumo:
A presente investigação se concentra na eclesiologia prática, experimental e funcional de John Wesley, examinando não apenas o que se encontra explícito em seus escritos sobre a igreja, mas também o que está implícito na práxis social e missionária dos primeiros metodistas. Antes, porém, é traçado um panorama das discussões em torno da concepção wesleyana de igreja, desenvolvidas, sobretudo, nos últimos cinqüenta anos. O valor dessas pesquisas é reconhecido, pois elas ajudaram a criar certa convergência em torno dos principais temas da visão de Wesley. Entretanto, em boa parte delas, nota-se esforço em enquadrar a fragmentada reflexão wesleyana em algum esquema de interpretação previamente definido. De conservador e defensor da Igreja estabelecida a cismático radical, quase todas as qualificações lhe foram atribuídas. É certo que Wesley assimilou a contribuição de várias correntes, o que oferece justa dimensão da complexidade de sua teologia, resistente a explicações simplistas. Nem sempre, porém, se indaga sobre o que determinou as suas preferências. Aqui é sustentada a tese de que não foi o apego a princípios considerados ortodoxos, mas o encontro com o povo que levou Wesley à abertura crescente para uma compreensão da igreja, ao mesmo, sensível ao sofrimento dos excluídos da sociedade inglesa, e flexível para se ajustar a conjunturas em mutação constante. Ele rompeu com a eclesiologia hierárquica, em que foi formado, e pôs em prática uma concepção fundamentalmente laica de igreja. Quebrou o monopólio do clero e tornou realidade o sacerdócio de todos os crentes, tanto de homens quanto de mulheres. Rejeitou o individualismo e valorizou a vida comunitária responsável. Desfez a interpretação paroquialista e exclusivista de igreja e abraçou a ecumenicidade como caráter essencial da Igreja de Cristo. Enfim, centralizou-se na via salutis, na renovação de toda a criação, pela graça de Deus com a participação humana responsável, e relativizou a própria Igreja.
Resumo:
Ulrico Zuínglio, que iniciou a Reforma protestante na Suíça, rompeu com uma concepção antiga dos sacramentos, não os considerando meios de graça. Os sacramentos do batismo e da Ceia do Senhor, mantidos pelo reformador, recebem novos enfoques, em particular a Ceia, ao ser considerada apenas uma recordação do sacrifício de Cristo na cruz. A ruptura deu-se também na dissociação da Ceia do Senhor do Dia do Senhor. João Calvino, reformador de Genebra e considerado o principal teólogo da chamada Tradição Reformada, manteve a interpretação dos sacramentos como meios de graça e defendeu, embora sem sucesso, a celebração dominical da Ceia do Senhor. A tese demonstra a presença dominante da concepção de Zuínglio nas denominações presbiterianas brasileiras e suas implicações litúrgicas, a despeito de essas igrejas considerarem-se calvinistas. Inclui um estudo da mediação norte-americana na teologia dos sacramentos, tendo em vista que o presbiterianismo implantou-se definitivamente no Brasil, no século XIX, através de missionários procedentes dos Estados Unidos. Esses missionários consideraram a população católica brasileira como principal alvo de evangelização, praticando o rebatismo de conversos, prática esta que se tornaria usual no presbiterianismo brasileiro. Aspectos da liturgia de igrejas presbiterianas brasileiras, como a celebração da Ceia do Senhor de modo informal e mesmo, por vezes, com omissão da Oração Eucarística ou das palavras da instituição do sacramento, a presença ou não de elementos clássicos do culto, como o Credo Apostólico ou Niceno e a Oração do Senhor, constituíram-se objeto da presente pesquisa in loco. Algumas tentativas de recuperação de elementos da tradição litúrgica encontram resistências no presbiterianismo brasileiro, seja em razão de uma identidade negativa , o anticatolicismo, seja pelo atual contexto cultural de relativização de valores em detrimento de marcos históricos de identidade cristã. A pesquisa constata que a herança teológica zuingliana, em cujo desenvolvimento intervieram novos fatores, relaciona-se a dificuldades de inserção das principais igrejas presbiterianas brasileiras no movimento ecumênico do século XX.(AU)
Resumo:
Understanding the true nature of the relations between France and the United States is central to an understanding of the diplomatic crisis that broke out between them in 2003 over the War in Iraq. An analysis of the political cultures of France and the US offers considerable explanatory power to this dramatic diplomatic dispute. The inordinately emotional aspects of the Franco-US arguments of 2003 mask the fact that the two countries understand each other little. In the French case, its self-view and related diplomatic comportment in the twentieth century was informed by its relationship to Germany; and from it a range of cultural characteristics emerged, among them: vulnerability, self-regard, a romanticized view of itself, and the personalization of national identity. At the moment France’s response to its cultural heritage was beginning to shift to a different (post-Gaullist) paradigm, the dispute with the US erupted.
Resumo:
A cikkben a magyar fedezetlen bankközi forintpiac hálózatának időbeli alakulását vizsgáljuk 2002 decemberétől 2009 márciusáig. Bemutatjuk a piac általános jellemzőit (forgalom, kamatláb, koncentráció stb.) és az alapvető hálózati mutatókat. Azt tapasztaljuk, hogy az időszak első felében ezek a jellemzők lényegében stabilak voltak. 2006-2007-től kezdve azonban a mutatók egy része kezdett jelentősen megváltozni: a hitelfelvevők koncentrációja nőtt, az átlagos közelség és az átlagos fokszám csökkent, továbbá a hálózat magjának mérete is csökkent. Ezek a jelek arra utalhatnak, hogy a bankok már a válság kitörése előtt érzékelték a növekvő hitelkockázatot, és egyre inkább megválogatták, hogy kinek adnak hitelt. Figyelemre méltó, hogy mindeközben az általános piaci mutatók (forgalom, kamatláb, illetve ezek volatilitása) semmiféle változásra utaló jelet nem tükröztek egészen 2008 októberéig, de ekkor hirtelen minden mutatóban egyértelművé vált a rezsimváltás. Végül részletesen elemezzük az egyes szereplők viselkedését, és megmutatjuk, hogy válságban az egyes szerepek drasztikusan megváltoztak (például forrásokból nyelők lettek, és fordítva). / === / The article examines the changes in the network of Hungary's uncovered interbank forint market over the period Decembcr 2000 to March 2009. It presents the general features of the market (volume, interest rates, concentration etc.) and its basic network. It is found that the features were largely stable in the first half of the period, but some of the indicators began to change significantly in 2006-7: the concentration of borrowers incrcased, average distance and average degree declined, as did the size of the core of the network. These signs pointed to the fact that the banks had sensed an increase in credit risk even before the crisis broke and were becoming increasingly choosy selective in their lending. Meanwhile, however. there aerc no indications of change in the general market indicators (volume, interest rates, or volatility of these) right up to October 2008, when the change of regime was clear in all indicators. Finally, the authors analyse in detail the behaviour of each participant and show that thc roles of some altered drastically with the crisis (e.g. sources became consumers and vice versa).
Resumo:
Armed violence in Paraguay is not a recent phenomenon. During the second half of the XX Century, Paraguay saw the rise of a larger number of underground, revolutionary movements that sought the overthrow of the Alfredo Stroessner’s (1954-1989) government. From among those movements emerged the Partido Patria Libre (or, Free Fatherland, also known for its acronym PPL), made up of a two branches: one legal and the other one, operational. The latter was based on people’s power, as represented by “Ejército del Pueblo Paraguayo” (or, the Paraguayan People’s Army, with acronym EPP). After EPP broke with PPL in March 2008, this Marxist-oriented revolutionary project, which was apparently oriented to put an end to the social, political and economic inequalities in Paraguay, began to carry out markedly criminal activities, which included bank robberies, kidnappings, assassinations, terrorist attacks and armed confrontations. Its strategies and modus operandi utilized by the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (FARC). Paraguay features a farm sector in a state of crisis, in which cattle-ranchers, peasants and agro-exporting companies live in a constant strife. The Paraguayan Departments that are the most affected by this situation are Concepciόn, San Pedro, Canindeyú y Caazapá, which also suffer from a weak government presence. This deficiency has made these departments ripe for drug-trafficking activity by Brazilian groups such as Primer Comando Capital (i.e., First Capital command), also PCC and Comando Vermelho, (i.e., The Red Command). That is why many peasants, now recruited by EPP, have joined the drug-trafficking business and that, not only as marihuana growers but as “campanas” (i.e., early warning sentinels) for the organization. This helps shape their attitudes for their future involvement in all areas of drug-trafficking. Paraguayan society is the result of social inequity and inequality, such as those resulting from a lack of opportunity. Although Paraguay has successfully recovered from the last world economic crisis, economic growth, by itself, does not ensure an improvement in the quality of life. As long as such economic and social gaps persist and the government fails to enact the policies that would result in a more just society and toward EPP neutralization or containment, the latter is bound to grow stronger. In this context, the situation in Paraguay calls for more research into the EPP phenomenon. It would also seem necessary for Paraguay to promote an open national debate that includes all sectors of society in order to raise consciousness and to induce society to take actual steps to eliminate the EPP, as well as any other group that might arise in the immediate future. EPP has strong connections with the Frente Patriόtico Manuel Rodríguez in Chile and other armed groups and peasant movements in other countries of this region. Although most governments in the region are aware that the armed struggle is not a solution to current problems, it might be worth it to hold a regional debate about armed or insurgent groups in Latin American to seek common strategies and cooperation on dealing with them since the expansion of these armed groups is a problem for all.
Resumo:
This document summarizes the activities that were accomplished in 2008, the sixth year of the research project “Effect of hydrologic restoration on the habitat of the Cape Sable seaside sparrow”, a collaborative effort among the US Army Corps of Engineers, Everglades National Park, Florida International University, and the US Geological Survey (Florida Integrated Science Center). The major activities in 2008 included field work, data analysis, and presentations. Jay Sah presented the results of 6th year field work at the Cape Sable seaside sparrow (CSSS) Fire Meeting 2008, held on December 2-3 at the Krome Center, Homestead, Florida. In the same meeting, Mike Ross presented results from a related USFWS-funded project on encroachment pattern of woody plants in Cape Sable seaside sparrow habitat.
Resumo:
The purpose of this thesis is to analyze how João Café Filho constituted a discourse of advocate of the labor movement and workers in different sociability spaces. It is intended to understand, on one hand, how political relations were established between different categories of workers and the ‘middle classes’ and, on the other hand, how places were instituted to house the meeting of these relations. It a ims to understand the insertion of Café Filho in union activities in the urban world. It demonstrates specificities of the political culture in Natal emphasizing the dispute between a city politically ruled by a still reigning rural paternalistic mentality and the rise of a new way to experience the urban conflicts which appeared. Temporally, the work is delimited between 1922 (proclaimed by Café Filho himself as the initial period of his political action) and 1937 (when he broke up with Vargas and went into exile in Argentina). The research was constituted by three main document types: several published newspapers between the decades of 1920 and 1930 in the cities of Natal, Recife, São Paulo, Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro; the autobiographical memoirs written by Café Filho himself and memoirs of other people who lived in his time. The main pillars that have supported the work were: the concepts of society and individuals (ELIAS, 1994; 1995), political cultures (BERSTEIN, 1998) and theater of the memory (GOMES, 2004); the sociability spaces category (CERTEAU, 1994; MALATIAN, 2001; RIOX, 1996); the biography notion (DOSSE, 2009; LORIGA, 2011). We demonstrated that Café Filho acted in some sociability spaces as: the Jornal do Norte, the Federação Regional do Trabalho and the Partido Democrático Nacional. In such spaces, Café Filho, gradually, become an important leader of workers and, at the same time, linked to national entities led to the opposition that fight against the power established in the Brazilian First Republic. In Café Filho’s interpretation, workers were individuals who needed to fight against the political structures prevailing at that time because the poor living conditions and the low representativeness of this group were caused by the way the political system in the First Republic was structured. After the 1930 Movement, the 3 de Outubro Club, the Jornal and the Labor Federation of Natal were constituted in spaces where the cafeista critical discourse about the government was changed: workers should follow the official syndicalism and defend the 1930 Movement which put Vargas in the presidency of the Republic.
Resumo:
Pregnant women and mothers were among the thousands of individuals who were sentenced to at least three years’ penal servitude and admitted to the nineteenth-century Irish female convict prison. While some babies were born behind bars, others were permitted to accompany their convicted mothers into the prison after the penal practice of transportation had ceased. Other dependent children were separated from their convicted mothers for years, cared for by family members or friends, or accommodated in Ireland’s growing web of institutions. Using individual case studies, this article focuses on convict mothers and their young offspring. It draws attention to the increasing restrictions on the admission of infants that were imposed as the nineteenth century progressed, the problems that children of various ages in the penal system seemed to pose for officials, and the difficulties faced by incarcerated mothers who wished to maintain communication with their offspring. This article argues that while there were benefits to parenting within the confines of the prison, sentences of penal servitude had a significant impact on the lives of dependent offspring by dislocating families, separating siblings, or initiating institutional or other care that broke familial bonds permanently. In so doing, the article reveals attitudes towards motherhood as well as female criminality and institutionalization generally during this period and sheds light on an aspect of convict life unique to the women’s prison.
Resumo:
Political, religious and national divisions in Northern Ireland go back many hundreds of years so it is not surprising that the lack of a common national narrative has made the teaching of history in schools difficult. The fact that schools have largely been organized on a denominational basis has added to the challenge. When political violence broke out in the late 1960s many looked to schools to contribute to the promotion of reconciliation and the way history had been taught received significant critical attention. This chapter will outline the evolving nature of the history curriculum and review evidence on the impact of this curriculum on the historical understanding of students and young people. In addition, the chapter will briefly consider other ways in which students engage with historical issues through the teaching of citizenship, and wider family and community influences. Whereas the teaching of history in the past either was largely absent or often took on a partisan character, the development of a statutory curriculum in the 1990s helped promote a more dispassionate, skills-based approach which emphasized critical engagement with evidence and a multiperspectivity. While this represented a significant improvement on what had gone before, evaluation of the impact of this approach has highlighted the need for a consideration of the emotional impact of historical understanding and the need better to connect the lessons of history to contemporary society.
Resumo:
Les manifestations de crise, en Côte d'Ivoire, ont été extrêmement violentes. Au cours des quinze dernières années, plus de 400 personnes sont mortes, tuées dans des affrontements avec les forces de sécurités ou des contre-manifestants. Malgré la gravité du problème, peu d’études scientifiques y sont consacrées et les rares analyses et enquêtes existantes portent, de façon unilatérale, sur l’identité et la responsabilité pénale des auteurs et commanditaires putatifs de cette violence. La présente étude s’élève contre le moralisme inhérent à ces approches pour aborder la question sous l’angle de l’interaction : cette thèse a pour objectif de comprendre les processus et logiques qui sous-tendent l’usage de la violence au cours des manifestations. Le cadre théorique utilisé dans cette étude qualitative est l’interactionnisme symbolique. Le matériel d’analyse est composé d’entrevues et de divers documents. Trente-trois (33) entrevues semi-dirigées ont été réalisées avec des policiers et des manifestants, cooptés selon la technique de la boule de neige, entre le 3 janvier et le 15 mai 2013, à Abidjan. Les rapports d’enquête, de l’ONG Human Rights Watch, sur les manifestations de crise, les manuels de formation de la police et divers autres matériaux périphériques ont également été consultés. Les données ont été analysées suivant les principes et techniques de la théorisation ancrée (Paillée, 1994). Trois principaux résultats ont été obtenus. Premièrement, le système ivoirien de maintien de l'ordre est conçu selon le modèle d’une « police du prince ». Les forces de sécurité dans leur ensemble y occupent une fonction subalterne d’exécutant. Elles sont placées sous autorité politique avec pour mandat la défense inconditionnelle des institutions. Le style standard de gestion des foules, qui en découle, est légaliste et répressif, correspondant au style d’escalade de la force (McPhail, Schweingruber, & Carthy, 1998). Cette « police du prince » dispose toutefois de marges de manœuvre sur le terrain, qui lui permettent de moduler son style en fonction de la conception qu’elle se fait de l’attitude des manifestants : paternaliste avec les foules dites calmes, elle devient répressive ou déviante avec les foules qu’elle définit comme étant hostiles. Deuxièmement, à rebours d’une conception victimaire de la foule, la violence est une transaction situationnelle dynamique entre forces de sécurité et manifestants. La violence suit un processus ascendant dont les séquences et les règles d’enchainement sont décrites. Ainsi, le premier niveau auquel s’arrête la majorité des manifestations est celui d’une force non létale bilatérale dans lequel les deux acteurs, protestataires et policiers, ont recours à des armes non incapacitantes, où les cailloux des premiers répondent au gaz lacrymogène des seconds. Le deuxième niveau correspond à la létalité unilatérale : la police ouvre le feu lorsque les manifestants se rapprochent de trop près. Le troisième et dernier niveau est atteint lorsque les manifestants utilisent à leur tour des armes à feu, la létalité est alors bilatérale. Troisièmement, enfin, le concept de « l’indignité républicaine » rend compte de la logique de la violence dans les manifestations. La violence se déclenche et s’intensifie lorsqu’une des parties, manifestants ou policiers, interprète l’acte posé par l’adversaire comme étant en rupture avec le rôle attendu du statut qu’il revendique dans la manifestation. Cet acte jugé indigne a pour conséquence de le priver de la déférence rattachée à son statut et de justifier à son encontre l’usage de la force. Ces actes d’indignités, du point de vue des policiers, sont symbolisés par la figure du manifestant hostile. Pour les manifestants, l’indignité des forces de sécurité se reconnait par des actes qui les assimilent à une milice privée. Le degré d’indignité perçu de l’acte explique le niveau d’allocation de la violence.
Resumo:
Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06
Resumo:
The aim of this study was to collect information on the incidence, pathophysiology, treatment and mortality of pneumothorax in the Emergency Room. Pneumothorax is classified as spontaneous (primary, secondary or catamenial) or traumatic (iatrogenic or secondary to a blunt or penetrating chest injury). Between January 2007 and December 2009, 102 patients with pneumothorax were seen in our Emergency Room. Their records were examined and their data collected retrospectively. The type and side of the pneumothorax and age, sex, incidence and mortality were analyzed. The cases, involving 93 males and 9 females, broke down as follows: 68 spontaneous (66.7%), 33 traumatic (32.3%) and one iatrogenic (0.98%). The mean age was 47.3 (range 12-99); the incidence was 0.10%. There were no deaths due to pneumothorax in the Emergency Room. Traumatic pneumothorax was associated with blunt chest trauma, pleural effusion, hemothorax, cranial trauma, fractured collarbone, upper and lower limb fracture, pelvic fracture, vertebral and spinal trauma, sternum fracture and abdominal trauma. Pneumothorax is a common clinical problem. A multidisciplinary approach is essential to reduce the risk of morbidity and mortality. The incidence of pneumothorax in the Emergency Room was similar to that reported in the literature, while mortality data cannot be compared due to the lack of published studies.
Resumo:
O presente projeto de investigação, propõe compreender a cultura visual contemporânea do design do selo postal português, de 2001 a 2013, considerando os avanços e os novos meios tecnológicos digitais. Para isso, partiu-se da história do selo postal como objeto de testemunho histórico, cultural e visual repleto de valores duradouros e possuidores de uma linguagem gráfica distinta. A esse conjunto de caraterísticas que determinam o selo postal, as mesmas, representam um grau de importância associados à história e à cultura de um país, evidenciando uma linguagem característica da vida social e da época que se encontra, que ao longo dos anos possuem valores de importância e sentimento para a humanidade. Primeiramente, procedeu-se a uma pesquisa exaustiva sobre os principais designers e ateliers portugueses, quer realizada em livros de coleções dos CTT, quer na internet em motores de busca. Seguidamente, realizou-se uma análise geral sobre a sintaxe da linguagem visual, baseada no trabalho de Donis A. Dondis (2003), declinada sobre a comunicação visual no design, para este caso, nos selos postais. Partindo dessa análise, posteriormente, efetuou-se a criação de uma emissão de selos postais juntamente com a tecnologia da realidade aumentada, tendo como base a temática centrada na cidade do Porto e que pode ser repercutida em diferentes cidades do país “Uma visita portuguesa com certeza”. Com este projeto conseguiu-se demonstrar e implementar uma tecnologia digital a um artefacto de cariz físico, usualmente, apresentado em suporte papel. O estudo pretende assim, contribuir para a inovação ao nível do design filatélico e histórico do selo postal português, tendo como base o uso dessa tecnologia.
Resumo:
Fisheries plays a significant and important part in the economy of the country contributing to foreign exchange, food security and employment creation. Lake Victoria contributes over 50% of the total annual fish catch. The purpose of fisheries management is to ensure conservation, protection, proper use, economic efficiency and equitable distribution of the fisheries resources both for the present and future generations through sustainable utilization. The earliest fisheries were mainly at the subsistence level. Fishing gear consisted of locally made basket traps, hooks and seine nets of papyrus. Fishing effort begun to increase with the introduction of more efficient flax gillnets in 1905. Fisheries management in Uganda started in 1914. Before then, the fishery was under some form of traditional management based on the do and don'ts. History shows that the Baganda had strong spiritual beliefs in respect of "god Mukasa" (god of the Lake) and these indirectly contributed to sustainable management of the lake. If a fisherman neglected to comply witt'l any of the ceremonies related to fishing he was expected to encounter a bad omen (Rev. Roscoe, 1965) However, with the introduction of the nylon gill nets, which could catch more fish, traditional management regime broke down. By 1955 the indigenous fish species like Oreochromis variabilis and Oreochromis esculentus had greatly declined in catches. Decline in catches led to introduction of poor fishing methods because of competition for fish. Government in an attempt to regulate the fishing irldustry enacted the first Fisheries Ordinance in 1951 and recruited Fisheries Officers to enforce them. The government put in place minimum net mesh-sizes and Fisheries Officers arrested fishermen without explaining the reason. This led to continued poor fishing practices. The development of government centred management systems led to increased alienation of resource users and to wilful disregard of specific regulations. The realisation of the problems faced by the central management system led to the recognition that user groups need to be actively involved in fisheries management if the systems are to be consistent with sustainable fisheries and be legitimate. Community participation in fisheries management under the Comanagement approach has been adopted in Lake Victoria including other water bodies.
Resumo:
Les manifestations de crise, en Côte d'Ivoire, ont été extrêmement violentes. Au cours des quinze dernières années, plus de 400 personnes sont mortes, tuées dans des affrontements avec les forces de sécurités ou des contre-manifestants. Malgré la gravité du problème, peu d’études scientifiques y sont consacrées et les rares analyses et enquêtes existantes portent, de façon unilatérale, sur l’identité et la responsabilité pénale des auteurs et commanditaires putatifs de cette violence. La présente étude s’élève contre le moralisme inhérent à ces approches pour aborder la question sous l’angle de l’interaction : cette thèse a pour objectif de comprendre les processus et logiques qui sous-tendent l’usage de la violence au cours des manifestations. Le cadre théorique utilisé dans cette étude qualitative est l’interactionnisme symbolique. Le matériel d’analyse est composé d’entrevues et de divers documents. Trente-trois (33) entrevues semi-dirigées ont été réalisées avec des policiers et des manifestants, cooptés selon la technique de la boule de neige, entre le 3 janvier et le 15 mai 2013, à Abidjan. Les rapports d’enquête, de l’ONG Human Rights Watch, sur les manifestations de crise, les manuels de formation de la police et divers autres matériaux périphériques ont également été consultés. Les données ont été analysées suivant les principes et techniques de la théorisation ancrée (Paillée, 1994). Trois principaux résultats ont été obtenus. Premièrement, le système ivoirien de maintien de l'ordre est conçu selon le modèle d’une « police du prince ». Les forces de sécurité dans leur ensemble y occupent une fonction subalterne d’exécutant. Elles sont placées sous autorité politique avec pour mandat la défense inconditionnelle des institutions. Le style standard de gestion des foules, qui en découle, est légaliste et répressif, correspondant au style d’escalade de la force (McPhail, Schweingruber, & Carthy, 1998). Cette « police du prince » dispose toutefois de marges de manœuvre sur le terrain, qui lui permettent de moduler son style en fonction de la conception qu’elle se fait de l’attitude des manifestants : paternaliste avec les foules dites calmes, elle devient répressive ou déviante avec les foules qu’elle définit comme étant hostiles. Deuxièmement, à rebours d’une conception victimaire de la foule, la violence est une transaction situationnelle dynamique entre forces de sécurité et manifestants. La violence suit un processus ascendant dont les séquences et les règles d’enchainement sont décrites. Ainsi, le premier niveau auquel s’arrête la majorité des manifestations est celui d’une force non létale bilatérale dans lequel les deux acteurs, protestataires et policiers, ont recours à des armes non incapacitantes, où les cailloux des premiers répondent au gaz lacrymogène des seconds. Le deuxième niveau correspond à la létalité unilatérale : la police ouvre le feu lorsque les manifestants se rapprochent de trop près. Le troisième et dernier niveau est atteint lorsque les manifestants utilisent à leur tour des armes à feu, la létalité est alors bilatérale. Troisièmement, enfin, le concept de « l’indignité républicaine » rend compte de la logique de la violence dans les manifestations. La violence se déclenche et s’intensifie lorsqu’une des parties, manifestants ou policiers, interprète l’acte posé par l’adversaire comme étant en rupture avec le rôle attendu du statut qu’il revendique dans la manifestation. Cet acte jugé indigne a pour conséquence de le priver de la déférence rattachée à son statut et de justifier à son encontre l’usage de la force. Ces actes d’indignités, du point de vue des policiers, sont symbolisés par la figure du manifestant hostile. Pour les manifestants, l’indignité des forces de sécurité se reconnait par des actes qui les assimilent à une milice privée. Le degré d’indignité perçu de l’acte explique le niveau d’allocation de la violence.