767 resultados para Absentee voting


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I wanted to explore whether traditional Forum Theatre approaches can be enhanced by the use of integrated voting software to empower young people. My research is based on two of a series of widening participation interactive TiE programmes focused on the decisions young people make on educational progression. I worked as a director alongside students studying Drama and Performance at The University of Worcester and the programmes have toured widely to schools across Worcestershire and Herefordshire. ‘It’s Up to You!’ (2013 – 2014) was aimed at years 8 and 9 choosing their GCSE options and ‘Move on Up!’ (2014 - 2015) looked at the hopes and fears of year 6 pupils about to go up to secondary school. Finding a voice in Boal’s framework as a ‘specactor’ does not always appeal to a pupil who does not want to stand out from the crowd or is not familiar with a classroom where drama conventions are practised or understood. The anonymity of the voting software with results of decisions made appearing instantly on screen is certainly appealing to some pupils: ‘I also loved the keypads they gave us so that we could answer the questions without having to put our hand up and wait..’ This paper aims to interrogate the idea that empowering needs to not simply be about giving voice to a few confident group members but allowing the silent majority to be able to experiment with decision making in an educational and social context.

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Voting information sheet.

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The present paper introduces a technology-enhanced teaching method that promotes deep learning. Four stages that correspond to four different student cohorts were used for its development and to analyse its effectiveness. The effectiveness of the method has been assessed in terms of examination results as well as results obtained from class response system software statistics. The evidence gathered indicates that the method developed is very effective and its implementation is straightforward. Furthermore, its success in achieving results seems to be independent of the skills and/or experience of the lecturer.

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Finding the answer to the question of the role of electronic voting in a modern country consti - tutes an important part of researches into electronic democracy. The recent dynamic development of in - formation and communication technologies (ICT) and mass media have been leading to noticeable changes in functioning of contemporary countries and societies. ICT is beginning to play a greater and greater role and filter down to almost every field of contemporary human life – including politics. Elec - tronic voting represents one of the more and more popular forms of so called e-democracy, and is an in - teresting research subject in the context of mechanisms for implementing this form of participation in elections, its legitimization, specific technological solutions for e-voting and their effectiveness as well as unintended consequences. The main subject of this text is the use of electronic voting ( e-voting )asone of the forms of electronic democracy . The article attempts to answer the following research questions: First, what is the impact of ICT on the political processes – particularly on the voting procedures? Sec- ondly, what is the essence of electronic voting and what are its main features? Finally, what are the e-voting experiences in the European countries? The text is devoted rather to general remarks on e-voting, and does not constitute a complete analysis of the issue. It is intended to be a contribution to the further considerations.

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This booklet contains information on citizenship and voting in elections in Iowa. It provides a simple means of answering questions asked of election officials. Written by George B. Mather, with illustrations by Dale Ballantyne,

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This paper describes, with pictures, how to use voting machines and how to cast your vote.

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¿Cuáles son los efectos de la guerra sobre el comportamiento político? Colombia es un caso interesante en el que el conflicto y las elecciones coexisten y los grupos armados ilegales intencionalmente afectan los resultados electorales. Sin embargo, los grupos usan diferentes estrategias para alterar estos resultados. Este artículo argumenta que los efectos diferenciales de la violencia sobre los resultados electorales son el resultado de estrategias deliberadas de los grupos ilegales, que a su turno, son consecuencia de las condiciones militares que difieren entre ellos. Usando datos panel de las elecciones al Senado de 1994 a 2006 y una aproximación por variables instrumentales para resolver posibles problemas de endogenidad, este artículo muestra que la violencia guerrillera disminuye la participación electoral, mientras que la violencia paramilitar no tiene ningún efecto sobre la participación pero reduce la competencia electoral y beneficia a nuevos partidos no-tradicionales. Esto es consistente con la hipótesis de que la estrategia de la guerrilla es sabotear las elecciones, mientras que los paramiltares establecen alianzas con ciertos candidatos.

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Young Labor Association float during the Labour Day procession in Brisbane, Australia 1965. Placards call for voting rights for Aborigines, more education facilities and award wages.

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This article examines the relative importance of regional and national forces in shaping the behavior of Brazilian legislators at the national level. A widely held view is that national legislators respond to state pressures in making decisions, rather than pressures from the national government. Governors not only can influence national debates but also can determine outcomes by exerting control over their states` legislative delegations. This article examines a dataset of all roll-call votes in the Chamber of Deputies between 1989 and 2006 to isolate and evaluate the impact of local pressures on legislative voting. Spanning the terms of five presidents and five different congresses, the data show that the local influence is weaker than the national on the voting decisions of individual legislators and the voting cohesion of state delegations. Alternative institutional resources allow the central government to counteract the centrifugal pressures of federalism and other institutional influences.

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Introduction. Marked intolerance or intrusive re-experiencing of ordinary sensory stimuli that in turn drive functionally impairing compulsive behaviors are occasionally seen in voting children with OCD. Methods. We describe a number of children with DSM-IV OCD ascertained from of family genetic study of pediatric OCD, whose intolerance: of ordinary sensory stimuli created significant subjective distress and time-consuming ritualistic behavior that was clinically impairing. Results. In each case these sensory symptoms were the primary presenting symptoms and were experienced in the absence of intrusive thoughts, images, or ideas associated with ""conventional"" OCD symptoms. Conclusions. These symptoms suggest abnormalities in sensory processing and integration in at least a subset of OCD patients. Recognition of these sensory symptoms and sensory-driven behaviors as part of the broad phenotypic Variation in children with OCD could help clinicians more easily identify OCD patients and,facilitate treatment.

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Variables influencing decision-making in real settings, as in the case of voting decisions, are uncontrollable and in many times even unknown to the experimenter. In this case, the experimenter has to study the intention to decide (vote) as close as possible in time to the moment of the real decision (election day). Here, we investigated the brain activity associated with the voting intention declared 1 week before the election day of the Brazilian Firearms Control Referendum about prohibiting the commerce of firearms. Two alliances arose in the Congress to run the campaigns for YES (for the prohibition of firearm commerce) and NO (against the prohibition of firearm commerce) voting. Time constraints imposed by the necessity of studying a reasonable number (here, 32) of voters during a very short time (5 days) made the EEG the tool of choice for recording the brain activity associated with voting decision. Recent fMRI and EEG studies have shown decision-making as a process due to the enrollment of defined neuronal networks. In this work, a special EEG technique is applied to study the topology of the voting decision-making networks and is compared to the results of standard ERP procedures. The results show that voting decision-making enrolled networks in charge of calculating the benefits and risks of the decision of prohibiting or allowing firearm commerce and that the topology of such networks was vote-(i.e., YES/NO-) sensitive. (C) 2010 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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SETTING: Five medical schools in three cities in Rio de Janeiro State, Brazil, with different tuberculosis (TB) incidence rates. OBJECTIVE: To evaluate the prevalence of the booster phenomenon and its associated factors in a voting universally BCG-vaccinated TB-exposed population. DESIGN: A two-step tuberculin skin test (TST) was performed among undergraduate medical students. Boosting was defined as an induration >= 10 mm in the second TST (TST2), with an increase of at least 6 mm over the first TST (TST1). The association of boosting with independent variables was evaluated using multivariate analysis. RESULTS: Of the 764 participants (mean age 21.9 +/- 2.7 years), 672 (87.9%) had a BCG scar. The overall booster SUMMARY phenomenon prevalence was 8.4% (95%CI 6.5-10.6). Boosting was associated with TST1 reactions of 1-9 mm (aOR 2.5, 95%CI 1.04-5.9) and with BCG vaccination, mostly after infancy, i.e., after age two years (aOR 9.1, 95%,CI 1.2-70.7). CONCLUSION: The prevalence of the booster phenomenon was high. A two-step TST in young BCG-vaccinated populations, especially in those with TST1 reactions of 1-9 mm, can avoid misdiagnosis as a false conversion and potentially reduce unnecessary treatment for latent TB infection.

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Humans play a role in deciding the fate of species in the current extinction wave. Because of the previous Similarity Principle, physical attractiveness and likeability, it has been argued that public choice favours the survival of species that satisfy these criteria at the expense of other species. This paper empirically tests this argument by considering a hypothetical ‘Ark’ situation. Surveys of 204 members of the Australian public inquired whether they are in favour of the survival of each of 24 native mammal, bird and reptile species (prior to and after information provision about each species). The species were ranked by percentage of ‘yes’ votes received. Species composition by taxon in various fractions of the ranking was determined. If the previous Similarity Principle holds, mammals should rank highly and dominate the top fractions of animals saved in the hierarchical list. We find that although mammals would be over-represented in the ‘Ark’, birds and reptiles are unlikely to be excluded when social choice is based on numbers ‘voting’ for the survival of each species. Support for the previous Similarity Principle is apparent particularly after information provision. Public policy implications of this are noted and recommendations are given.

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The paper analyses seven potential restrictions to the right to vote in 63 democracies. Only two of these restrictions have given rise to a near consensus. An overwhelming majority of democracies have decided that the minimum voting age should be 18 and that the right to vote of mentally deficient people should be restricted. There is little consensus about whether the right to vote should be restrcited to citizens, about whether there should be country or electoral district residence requirements, about which electors residing abroad (if any) should retain their right to vote and about which prison inmates (if any) should have the right to vote. The paper also examines two factors that affect right to vote laws: British colonialism and level of political rights. The pattern found with respect to electoral systems, whereby former British colonies emulate their former ruler, is less systematic in the case of right to vote legislation. Finally, “strong” democracies are slightly more inclusive than “weak” ones when deciding who has the right to vote.

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As novas Tecnologias da Informa????o e Comunica????o (TIC), entre as quais se destacam a internet, as redes de computadores, a transmiss??o via sat??lite e a telefonia m??vel, criaram condi????es para o surgimento de Sociedades do Conhecimento. Nesse contexto, o Estado, por interm??dio do governo eletr??nico, ?? o principal instrumento de que os cidad??os disp??em atualmente para enfrentar os desafios impostos pela globaliza????o, por meio de intera????es in??ditas da sociedade, empresas e governos. O objetivo deste trabalho foi estabelecer rela????es entre a governan??a do setor p??blico e o governo eletr??nico, partindo-se de um marco referencial te??rico das duas ??reas de estudo. Para tanto, foram delineados seus escopos e limites de atua????o, instituindo-se v??nculos, de acordo com a????es do Governo Eletr??nico brasileiro: certifica????o digital; Portal da Transpar??ncia; vota????o eletr??nica; preg??es eletr??nicos e Portal da Previd??ncia Social. Conclui-se que, apesar dos avan??os recentes observados pela an??lise de v??rias dimens??es da governan??a, baseados em iniciativas de governo eletr??nico aqui inventariadas, ainda h?? muito que fazer em dire????o ?? inclus??o social no Brasil, assim como em outros pa??ses. As TIC podem vir a ser um poderoso agente de inclus??o digital, apoiando a governan??a com a cria????o de espa??os virtuais para participa????o democr??tica e di??logo c??vico e expans??o da participa????o em tomada de decis??o coletiva, promovendo a igualdade e a cidadania.