A atuação das Relações Públicas no Marketing Político

This paper discusses the performance of pubic relations professional in the field of political marketing, using its tools and strategies in accordance with the established goals. The study presents a general approach to marketing, its origin, tools, strategies, starting for the main types of marketing. In the end, we discuss the relationship between political marketing and public relations. Public relations trace a new path and a new opportunity for performance across the political marketing, and the chances for working at election time, at an earlier stage and later, the politician should think about maintaining their image as well as a way to generates credibility in an upcoming campaign

O empreendedor possível na cafeicultura de Ribeirão Preto: Joaquim da Cunha Diniz Junqueira (1890-1915)

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Diagnóstico físico-ambiental em planos diretores: um relato de experiência

The Urban Plans are technical and politician tools and their elaboration must have citizen involvement. Thus, several aspects must be taken into account while preparing it including both technical and communitarian urban development besides environmental and sanitation features. The paper aim is to present the applied techniques and to discuss the results obtained from physical and environmental diagnostic made to prepare Rio Claro and Iracemápolis Urban Plans. From the presented experiences it was possible to identify adequate technical proceedings as well as to verify general problems that can emerge during Urban Plan diagnostic phase.

Il conflitto tra ragione e passioni nel pensiero morale, economico e politico di Bernard Mandeville

Effects of the conflict between reason and passion in Bernard Mandeville’s moral, economic and political thought My PhD dissertation focuses on Bernard Mandeville (1670-1732), a Dutch philosopher who moved to London in his late twenties. The aspect of Mandeville’s thought I take into account in my research is the conflicting relation between reason and passions, and the consequences that Mandeville’s view of this conflict has in the development of his theory of human nature which, I argue, is what grounds his moral, economic and, above all, political theory. According to Mandeville, reason is fundamentally weak. Passions influence with more strength human actions, and, eventually, are the ones which motivate them. The role of reason is merely instrumental, restricted to finding appropriate means in order to reach the desired ends, which are capricious and inconstant, since they all come from unstable passions. Reason cannot take decisions meant to act in the long term, pursuing an object which has not a selfish and temporary nature. There is no possibility, thus, that men’s actions aim just to achieve a good and just society, without their interests being directly involved. The basically selfish root of every desire leads Mandeville to claim that there is neither benevolence nor altruism which guides human behaviour. Hence he expresses a judgement on the moral character of human beings, always busy with their self-satisfaction, and hardly ever considering what would be good on a wider perspective, including other people’s sake. The anthropological features ascribed to men by Mandeville, are those which lead him to prefer a political system where governors are not supposed to have particular abilities, either from an intellectual or from a moral point of view, and peace and order are preserved by the bureaucratic machine, which is meant to work with the least effort on the part of the politicians, and no big harm can be done even by corrupted or wicked governors. This system is adopted with an eye at remedying human deficiencies: Mandeville takes into primary account, when he thinks of how to build a peaceful and functioning society, that everyone is concerned with his selfish interest, and that the rationality of a single politician, or of a group of them belonging to a same generation, cannot find a good “solution” to govern men able to last over the long period, and to work in different ages. This implies a refusal of the Hobbesian theory of the pactum subjectionis, which has the character of a rational and definitive choice, and leads Mandeville to consider the order which arises spontaneously, without any plan or rational intervention.

Linguistic gender identity construction in political discourse : a corpus-assisted analysis of the primary speeches of Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton

The present study is concerned with exploring the linguistic identity construction of Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton in the context of USA 2008 Democratic Party primaries. Thus, their speeches are examined in order to detect the aspects of identity that each politician resorted to in the process of projecting a political identity. The study, however, takes a special interest in the ways in which gender identity is projected by Obama and Clinton. Moreover, the notions of gender bias as well as gender representations are also investigated.

Democratic Transition and Political Patronage

Mr. Korosenyi begins by analysing the particular relationship holding between politics and administration in different countries. Within Europe three major patterns have emerged in the 20th century. Firstly there is the politically neutral British Civil Service, secondly the German and French state bureaucracies, which traditionally are supposed to embody the "common good", and thirdly there is the patronage system of the so-called consociate democracies, e.g. Austria. In general Mr. Korosenyi believes that, though politics do not penetrate into the Hungarian administration to the extent they do in Belgium and Austria, nevertheless, there is a stronger fusion than there is in the traditional British pattern. He is particularly interested in this relationship with regard to its effect on democratic institution building and the stabilisation of the new regime in Hungary, now the old "nomenklatura" system has been abolished. The structure of the Hungarian government was a result of the constitutional amendments of 1989 and 1990. Analysing this period, it becomes clear that for all the political actors who initiated and supported the democratic transition to democracy, the underlying assumption was a radical depoliticisation of the administration in order to maintain its stability. The political leadership of the executive is a cabinet government. The government is structured along ministries, each headed by a politician, i.e. the minister, who is a member of the cabinet. The minister's political secretary is not a cabinet member, but he or she is a politician, usually a member of the parliament. The head of the administration of the ministry is the administrative state secretary, who is a civil servant. He or she usually has four deputies, also civil servants. Naturally it is assumed that there should be a clear separation between politicians and civil servants. However in practice, the borders can be blurred, giving rise to a hybrid known as the "political civil servant". Mr. Korosenyi analyses the different faces of these hybrids. They are civil servants for the following reasons. They need special educational qualifications, working experience, a civil service exam etc., they are not allowed to do anything which is incompatible with their impartial role, and they cannot occupy political office nor may they appear in the name of any political party. On the other hand, the accepted political dimension to their function is revealed by the following facts. The state secretary (a civil servant) may participate in cabinet meetings instead of the minister. The state secretary is employed by the minister. A state secretary or any of their deputies can be dismissed at any time by the minister or the prime minister. In practice then, ministers appoint to these senior administrative positions civil servants whose personal and political loyaties are strong. To the second level of political patronage in ministries belong the ministerial cabinet, press office and public relation office. The ministerial cabinet includes the private advisors and members of the personal staff of the minister. The press office and the PR office, if they exist, are not adjusted to the administrative hierarchy of the ministry, but under the direct control of the minister. In the beginning of the 1990s, such offices were exceptions; in the second half of the 90s they are accepted and to be found in most ministries. Mr. Korosenyi's work, a 92-page manuscript of a book in Hungarian, marks the first piece of literature within the field of political science which analyses the structure of the Hungarian government in the 1990s and the relationship between the political leadership and the public administration.

Remembering Lee Metcalf - Natural Resources, Environmental and Conservation Excerpts (done for 75th Anniversary of Montana State Parks System - 2014)

Montana's Lee Metcalf was an extraordinary Montana leader with an unbelievable record of accomplishment fighting for the little people against the forces of economic and political power. The public memory is so short that this film will serve to help reacquaint Lee & Donna Metcalf to most of those who were around during their time. But it will also provide an opportunity for new generations to receive a perspective of an important leader from an important time. (Language from YouTube version of the film, written and provided by Executive Producer Evan Barrett) Lee Warren Metcalf (January 28, 1911 – January 12, 1978) was an American lawyer, judge, and politician. A member of the Democratic Party, he served as a U.S. Representative (1953–1961) and a U.S. Senator (1961–1978) from Montana. He was permanent acting President pro tempore of the Senate, the only person to hold that position, from 1963 until his death in 1978. Excerpts from main film for 75th Anniversary of Montana State Parks System

Remembering Lee Metcalf

Abstract Montana's Lee Metcalf was an extraordinary Montana leader with an unbelievable record of accomplishment fighting for the little people against the forces of economic and political power. The public memory is so short that this film will serve to help reacquaint Lee & Donna Metcalf to most of those who were around during their time. But it will also provide an opportunity for new generations to receive a perspective of an important leader from an important time. (Language from YouTube version of the film, written and provided by Executive Producer Evan Barrett) Lee Warren Metcalf (January 28, 1911 – January 12, 1978) was an American lawyer, judge, and politician. A member of the Democratic Party, he served as a U.S. Representative (1953–1961) and a U.S. Senator (1961–1978) from Montana. He was permanent acting President pro tempore of the Senate, the only person to hold that position, from 1963 until his death in 1978. U.S. House of Representatives During his tenure in the House, Metcalf served on the Education and Labor Committee (1953–1959), Interior and Insular Affairs Committee (1955–1959), Select Astronautics and Space Exploration Committee (1958), and Ways and Means Committee (1959–1960). He became known as one of Congress's "Young Turks" who promoted liberal domestic social legislation and reform of congressional procedures. He introduced legislation to provide health care to the elderly ten years before the creation of Medicare. He earned the nickname "Mr. Education" after sponsoring a comprehensive bill providing for federal aid to education. He also voted against legislation that would have raised grazing permits on federal lands, and led the opposition to a bill that would have swapped forested public lands for cutover private lands. He was elected chairman of the Democratic Study Group in 1959. U. S. Senate Regarded as "a pioneer of the conservation movement", Metcalf worked to protect the natural environment and regulate utilities. He helped pass the Wilderness Act of 1964, and supported the creation of the Great Bear Wilderness and the Absaroka-Beartooth Wilderness. In 1962, he introduced a "Save Our Streams" bill to preserve natural recreation facilities and protect fish and wildlife from being destroyed by highway construction. He was a longtime member of the Migratory Bird Conservation Commission. He was also active on the issue of education. He was a leading supporter of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, the effort to extend the G.I. Bill's educational benefits to a new generation of veterans, and the development of legislation to improve federally-aided vocational education.[1] The Peace Corps was established under leadership of Metcalf and Senator Mansfield. In 1983, by act of Congress, the Lee Metcalf Wilderness area was created in southwestern Montana in honor of the late Congressman. The Great Bear Wilderness and Absaroka-Beartooth Wilderness areas were also created as a result of Metcalf's efforts in Congress, in addition to the Lee Metcalf National Wildlife Refuge in Montana. Metcalf was ranked number 15 on a list of the 100 Most Influential Montanans of the Century by the Missoulian newspaper. This text is courtesy of Wikipedia®, a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization, and is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.

Igbo Nationalism and Biafra

When I was living in Igboland in 1993 and from 1994 to 1996, there was not much talk about Biafra, the secessionist republic that had been defeated by the Nigerian army in 1970. Not one Igbo politician suggested that his or her people in the southeast of Nigeria should secede again and proclaim a second Biafra. Since 1984, Nigeria had been ruled by the military, and political hopes focused on a return to democracy. Democracy did come in 1999, but it proved a big disappointment. It did not end the marginalisation of the Igbo but led to an increase in the number of ethnic and religious clashes, with Igbo 'migrants' in northern Nigeria as the main victims. It was Nigeria's fourth transition to democracy, and the Igbo lost out again. When I returned to Igboland for brief visits between 2000 and 2007, the option of a new Biafra was widely discussed. Many of my former colleagues at the University of Nsukka seemed to be in favour of the secession project. I talked to supporters of the main separatist organisation, Movement for the Actualisation of a Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), and I discussed the project with members of Ohanaeze, a loose association of Igbo politicians, most of whom had distanced themselves from radical secessionism. In order to learn more about the resurgence of Igbo nationalism, I collected Igbo periodicals. A few of them, such as the New Republic, resembled newspapers; others, like News Round, Eastern Sunset or Weekly Hammer (with eight pages in A4 size), looked more like political pamphlets. Street vendors used back issues as wrapping paper, so they were easy to get. Most of them had been edited not in Igboland, but in Lagos, Nigeria's commercial centre and former capital which is home to a huge Igbo diaspora. Though written in English, these publications are addressed exclusively to an Igbo readership, discussing global and domestic affairs from a nationalist point of view. Articles printed here, no matter their topic, are nationalist in the sense that they assess things from the standpoint of Igbo interests. The same is true of many articles on Igbo websites and of some books and brochures written for an Igbo audience. Another source of information on Igbo nationalism are statements by Igbo governors, ministers, members of parliament and other professional politicians who are quoted in newspapers, such as Vanguard or Guardian, and in weekly magazines such as Newswatch, Tell or The News – all with a Nigeria-wide circulation and a multi-ethnic readership. Nigeria's papers and magazines are among the best in Africa. They try to be balanced in their coverage of ethnic conflicts, and they give reliable information. The same cannot be said of periodicals produced by Igbo nationalists. They provide space for Igbo all over the world to voice their opinions, and they tolerate much controversy, but they are not accurate when reporting facts.

Hippocampus is place of interaction between unconscious and conscious memories retrieval

Recent experiments suggest that humans can form and later retrieve new semantic relations unconsciously by way of hippocampus - the key structure thought to support conscious relational (episodic) memory. Given that the hippocampus subserves both conscious and unconscious relational encoding/retrieval, we expected the hippocampus to be place of unconscious-conscious interactions. This hypothesis was tested in an fMRI experiment on the interaction between the unconscious retrieval of face-associated occupations and the subsequent conscious retrieval of celebrities’ occupations. For subliminal encoding, masked combinations of an unfamiliar face and a written occupation (“actor” or “politician”) were subliminally presented. At test, we presented the former subliminal faces again, without occupations and masks, as conscious retrieval cues. We hypothesized that faces would trigger the unconscious reactivation of the associated occupation - actor or politician -, which in turn would facilitate or inhibit the subsequent conscious recollection of a celebrity’s occupation. Following the presentation of a former subliminal face, we presented the portrait of a celebrity that participants were required to sort according to “actor” or “politician”. Depending on whether the triggered unconscious occupation was congruent or incongruent with the celebrity’s occupation, we expected an expedited or retarded conscious retrieval process as reflected in reaction times. Conscious retrieval was expedited in the congruent condition, but there was no effect in the incongruent condition. fMRI data collected during subliminal relational encoding confirmed that the hippocampus was interacting with neocortical semantic storage sites. fMRI data collected at test indicated that the facilitated conscious retrieval of celebrity-associated occupations was related to deactivations in this same network spanning hippocampus and neocortical semantic storage sites. Hence, unconscious retrieval likely preactivated this network, which allowed for a sparing recruitment of additional neural resources to assist conscious retrieval. This finding supports the notion that consciously and unconsciously acquired relational memories are stored in a single, cohesive hippocampal-neocortical memory space.

Hippocampus Is Place of Interaction between Unconscious and Conscious Memories.

Recent evidence suggests that humans can form and later retrieve new semantic relations unconsciously by way of hippocampus-the key structure also recruited for conscious relational (episodic) memory. If the hippocampus subserves both conscious and unconscious relational encoding/retrieval, one would expect the hippocampus to be place of unconscious-conscious interactions during memory retrieval. We tested this hypothesis in an fMRI experiment probing the interaction between the unconscious and conscious retrieval of face-associated information. For the establishment of unconscious relational memories, we presented subliminal (masked) combinations of unfamiliar faces and written occupations ("actor" or "politician"). At test, we presented the former subliminal faces, but now supraliminally, as cues for the reactivation of the unconsciously associated occupations. We hypothesized that unconscious reactivation of the associated occupation-actor or politician-would facilitate or inhibit the subsequent conscious retrieval of a celebrity's occupation, which was also actor or politician. Depending on whether the reactivated unconscious occupation was congruent or incongruent to the celebrity's occupation, we expected either quicker or delayed conscious retrieval process. Conscious retrieval was quicker in the congruent relative to a neutral baseline condition but not delayed in the incongruent condition. fMRI data collected during subliminal face-occupation encoding confirmed previous evidence that the hippocampus was interacting with neocortical storage sites of semantic knowledge to support relational encoding. fMRI data collected at test revealed that the facilitated conscious retrieval was paralleled by deactivations in the hippocampus and neocortical storage sites of semantic knowledge. We assume that the unconscious reactivation has pre-activated overlapping relational representations in the hippocampus reducing the neural effort for conscious retrieval. This finding supports the notion of synergistic interactions between conscious and unconscious relational memories in a common, cohesive hippocampal-neocortical memory space.

A Median Voter Theorem for Postelection Politics

We analyze a model of 'postelection politics', in which (unlike in the more common Downsian models of 'preelection politics') politicians cannot make binding commitments prior to elections. The game begins with an incumbent politician in office, and voters adopt reelection strategies that are contingent on the policies implemented by the incumbent. We generalize previous models of this type by introducing heterogeneity in voters' ideological preferences, and analyze how voters' reelection strategies constrain the policies chosen by a rent-maximizing incumbent. We first show that virtually any policy (and any feasible level of rent for the incumbent) can be sustained in a Nash equilibrium. Then, we derive a 'median voter theorem': the ideal point of the median voter, and the minimum feasible level of rent, are the unique outcomes in any strong Nash equilibrium. We then introduce alternative refinements that are less restrictive. In particular, Ideologically Loyal Coalition-proof equilibrium also leads uniquely to the median outcome.

Necesidad de una segunda independencia

En este ensayo se presenta un diagnóstico de la expansión geopolítica de la hegemonía capitalista y sus desafíos. Frente a la nueva forma del Imperio capitalista, tan falsamente comprendida por las corrientes de la posmodernidad, es imprescindible replantear el rescate de símbolos tan importantes, como el de "patria", dentro de la tradición "independentista" de América Latina; también, la recategorización histórica de la "emancipación", "dependencia" y "universalidad", de una racionalidad en la que sea superada cualquier conflictividad entre los medios y los fines que se desea cumplir. Promover esta conciencia crítica desde la situación de neo-colonialidad que se vive en nuestros países, compromete toda praxis social con la necesidad de una "segunda independencia", en lo político y en lo mental.

El espacio narrativo en Revelaciones de un manuscrito, de Bernabé Demaría

Bernabé Demaría (1824-1910), escritor, político y pintor argentino, es autor de una única novela, Revelaciones de un manuscrito (1869). En sus páginas, el espacio geográfico -Europa en la primera parte; la Argentina, en la segunda- funciona como elemento estructurador, pues la novela está concebida como un Bildungsroman, donde el motivo del viaje articula tanto el desplazamiento horizontal (espacial) como el vertical (espiritual y social) del protagonista, Florencio Indarte. Junto a los tópicos del más definido romanticismo, se descubren rasgos realistas: una cuidadosa localización espacial de la acción, la acumulación de detalles tendientes a reforzar el efecto de realidad, el discurso didáctico, de registro aparentemente objetivo, portador de una copiosa enciclopedia científica. La olvidada novela de Bernabé Demaría debe ser tenida en cuenta muy especialmente en toda indagación de los orígenes del realismo en la novela argentina.

Biblioclastía y bibliotecología : Recuerdos que resisten en la ciudad de La Plata

La biblioclastía fue definida como la compulsión humana por destruir libros. Desde tiempos inmemoriales el hombre ha querido imponer sus ideas a través de la destrucción de aquellas que se contraponían a las propias y los libros han sido objeto de esa "pulsión biblioclástica" durante toda la historia de la humanidad. La última dictadura militar que sufrió nuestro país dejó importantes secuelas en la sociedad. Mediante la censura e intervención en diferentes ámbitos (educación, cine, teatro, literatura, entre otros) se construyeron un discurso, un lenguaje y unas prácticas que hoy se reconocen como propias de ese tiempo histórico. Igual que pasó con la desaparición de las personas y sus cuerpos, la represión en el ámbito de la cultura fue parte de un plan sistemático, pensado, calculado y llevado a cabo por dependencias del Estado argentino destinadas a tal fin y por funcionarios (militares y civiles) que fueron parte de ese plan. Se considera de especial importancia que los bibliotecarios, como parte de aquéllos profesionales que contribuyen día a día a la preservación de la memoria, abordemos este tipo de problemáticas y reflexionemos en torno de la mismas. Este trabajo se enmarca en las investigaciones sobre el pasado reciente, teniendo como eje la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos y su postura frente a la libertad de expresión. Intenta reconstruir los mecanismos censorios y cómo se plasmaron en las vivencias de diferentes actores relacionados con el ámbito del libro y del movimiento cultural y político platense, con el objetivo de contribuir a la memoria social de nuestra ciudad.