816 resultados para political conflicts


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O objetivo deste artigo ?? expor e explicar um momento espec??fico da evolu????o pol??tico institucional brasileira. S??o explorados os conflitos que est??o na origem da escolha e a implementa????o de uma nova ordem pol??tico-administrativa no p??s-1930. S??o examinadas as origens, a concep????o e os objetivos que guiaram a inven????o de um aparelho burocr??tico que, juntamente com o interventor federal, n??o s?? controlou as elites pol??ticas regionais, mas tamb??m contribuiu para a organiza????o do poder do Estado em bases nacionais, cooperando para viabilizar a capacidade estatal: os Departamentos Administrativos. Analiso o contexto pol??tico, os antecedentes legais e as inova????es institucionais do decreto-lei n?? 1202/39, a fim de responder a duas quest??es bem espec??ficas: por que e com que objetivo essa lei sobre a administra????o dos estados e dos munic??pios foi criada durante o Estado Novo?

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A dissertação problematiza as relações entre movimentos sociais e Estado no Brasil contemporâneo, dando enfoque à entrada de lideranças de movimentos para órgãos públicos, por meio da ocupação de cargos de confiança e comissionados. Esta mudança no local de atuação, que pode ser compreendida como “trânsito” (da sociedade civil para o Estado) ou do ponto de vista da transformação de papéis (de desafiantes a membros da polity), repercute sobre o campo do ativismo em questão, sobre as decisões e políticas dos órgãos públicos envolvidos, assim como sobre o próprio ativista. Tendo em vista essa discussão, estabelecemos como objeto de atenção os impactos promovidos no nível individual, tendo como objetivo investigar e analisar as transformações processadas nas dimensões objetivas e subjetivas de carreiras de lideranças ativistas que adentraram o Estado por meio da ocupação de cargos. Assim, foi realizado um estudo das carreiras ativistas de seis lideranças reconhecidas por terem atuado em um campo específico de militância no Espírito Santo – o campo ambiental – e que ocuparam cargos em órgãos públicos. A metodologia utilizada foi qualitativa, e os dados foram coletados em entrevistas semiestruturadas e em profundidade com as lideranças e em pesquisa em outras fontes, como páginas de internet e materiais cedidos pelos próprios entrevistados. As análises foram instrumentalizadas teoricamente pela sociologia das carreiras militantes, por meio da qual buscamos reconstruir itinerários objetivos e aspectos subjetivos da atuação política das lideranças. Os resultados revelam que, na maioria dos casos estudados, a entrada para o Estado não foi acompanhada do desengajamento em relação ao ativismo desenvolvido em organizações e lutas ambientalistas; e que é recorrente a conciliação (e por vezes a articulação) de ambos. Todavia, a dupla atuação no movimento e no Estado foi permeada por tensões, levando algumas vezes a conflitos e rupturas. O trabalho permite concluir que, mesmo para os que se mantiveram ativistas em movimentos ambientais, houve impactos decorrentes da atuação em órgãos públicos sobre suas carreiras objetivas e subjetivas, sendo notável uma mudança na visão e na relação com o Estado, compreendido como lugar onde é possível “gerar contribuições”.

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This article discusses Brazil's multilateral policy under Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's administration, highlighting economic, political and environmental themes. The main argument is that Brazil's multilateral relations during this government reached a new significance with the reinforcement of international coalitions and the articulation with the country's new development model. The country has been using multilateral forums as a way to achieve international projection and support for its development project, highlighting bargaining aspects, variable geometry coalitions and the strengthening of South-South cooperation

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This study tries to understand how Brazil and Argentina, two countries with chronically high inflation, achieved permanent stabilization by looking at political factors necessary for stabilization. It suggests that, although state autonomy or political unity may contribute to successful price stabilization, reconciling the interests of different stakeholders and thereby building a broad political support base is more essential for stabilization to succeed. Political skills of the leaders and compensatory policies may help raise such support and they are more crucial where other political conditions are less favorable. Also, rapid improvement in the economy is important for sustained political support, and thus, for successful stabilization.

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Abstract: If we think there is a significant number of legal offshore in the globalized world, then there is not even a global consensus about what «corruption» is. The «illegal corruption» in a country may be legal in another. Moreover, the great global corruption is above the law or above democratic States. And not all democratic States are «Rule of Law». Therefore, the solution is global earlier in time and space law, democratic, free and true law. While the human being does not reach a consensus of what «corruption» really is, the discussion will not go further than a caricature. One of the other problems about «corruption» is that it is very difficult to establish the imputation of crimes, including «corruption» (v.g. Portugal) on some «companies», corporations. We have a juridical problem in the composition of the art. 11. of the Portuguese Penal Code.

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This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption". However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure control over corruption. Secondly, I am going to do a very brief survey of institutional changes and controls over corruption in some Western Societies in which I am going to argue that corruption, its control and its illegality depend on institutional evolution by streamlining the constitutional and institutional framework. Thirdly, I am going to explain how some economic models could be adopted for a better understanding of corruption. Finally, I will present a multiple-self model applied to the public agent (politician and bureaucrat) constrained by institutions and pay-off systems.

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The main purpose of this paper is to explore the possibility of articulating Political Discourse Theory (PDT) together with Organizational Studies (OS), while using the opportunity to introduce PDT to those OS scholars who have not yet come across it. The bulk of this paper introduces the main concepts of PDT, discussing how they have been applied to concrete, empirical studies of resistance movements. In recent years, PDT has been increasingly appropriated by OS scholars to problematize and analyze resistances and other forms of social antagonisms within organizational settings, taking the relational and contingent aspects of struggles into consideration. While the paper supports the idea of a joint articulation of PDT and OS, it raises a number of critical questions of how PDT concepts have been empirically used to explain the organization of resistance movements. The paper sets out a research agenda for how both PDT and OS can together contribute to our understanding of new, emerging organizational forms of resistance movements.

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Edward Said, palestiniano cidadão do mundo, historiador crítico da literatura e da cultura preocupa-se em analisar e desmistificar as representações ideológicas que afirmam a superioridade de uma cultura sobre as outras. Em Orientalismo , publicado originalmente em 1978, demonstra como o colonialismo europeu constrói uma representação do mundo oriental, especialmente do mundo árabe e muçulmano, em que os representados surgem como seres incapazes de autonomia, racionalidade e autogoverno. Como contraponto a esta concepção, desenvolve-se, no período da emancipação e das independências coloniais, uma nova visão em que os povos colonizados de mero objecto de representação se transformam em sujeitos da sua própria história. Em Cultura e Imperialismo , publicado em 1993, Said analisa como os intelectuais e os criadores dos povos dominados elaboram uma nova representação de si próprios e do Outro no âmbito do processo de luta e emancipação colonial. Mas apenas a livre interacção e interdependência das culturas poderá constituir uma síntese superadora do imperialismo e do nacionalismo anticolonial. Dimensão libertadora que se tornará a verdadeira missão e vocação do intelectual sem fronteiras de que Said foi um dos maiores expoentes contemporâneos.

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This article tests the presence of political budget cycle (PBC) in municipal elections in Brazil and checks whether mayors who adopt such policy have greater probability of reelection. Based on fiscal and electoral data of 5,406 Brazilian municipalities and applying the difference-in-differences econometric method as well as logistic regressions, the results provide some evidence of PBC in Brazil, although its magnitude and consistency varies depending on the years used as electoral and non-electoral years. On average, reelectable mayors spend close to 3% more in election years than nonreelectables. Moreover, reelectables who do run for reelection present a variation in spending which is close to 5% superior to that of non-reelectables and non-runners. Additionally, the results suggest that mayors who increase public spending during electoral periods have greater chances of being reelected, as long as such spending is done within deficit limits acceptable by voters.

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A igreja de Goa é uma filha da expansão portuguesa. Nasceu e cresceu no âmbito do Padroado português do Oriente. Essa ligação beneficiou e prejudicou a sua missão espiritual. Desde 1961 a igreja de Goa enfrenta os desafios da democracia. Apesar da demonstração de progresso visível, há muito caminho para percorrer, particularmente no que diz respeito à administração dos bens temporais da igreja e com maior participação leiga nessa área.

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Brazil has become the center of the spotlight of the whole world recently, amongst many other reasons, one of them was because it was chosen to host a series of mega sporting events - Pan American Games in 2007, Confederations Football Cup in 2013, Fifa Football World Cup 2014 Games and 2016 Olympic and Paralympic Games in 2016. However, little is known about the country's administrative governmental structure focused on sport policy. The available studies focus their analysis on the sport policies content, but not on the arrangement of its structural decision-making. The main aim of this article is indeed to describe, based on official documentation, the evolution and the current arrangements of the government responsible for the administrative structure for the planning and implementation of sports policies in Brazil. Thus, we tried to list the main problems arising from the organization of the Brazilian sports' management. These problems are: (1) inappropriate institutional structure in terms of human resources and obstacles to participation by other social actors beyond the officials (parliament and members of the Ministry of Sports) in the sports policy; (2) disarticulation between public institutions generating redundancies and conflicts of jurisdiction due to the poor division of labor between bureaucracy agencies; and (3) inadequate planning proved by the lack of organization of some institutions, and by the lack of assessment and continuity of public policies over time. Therefore, we must emphasize those problems from above, and due to these administrative arrangements, Brazilian sports' policy has big challenges in the sport development in this country, which includes the creation of a national "system" for sports and a priority investment in sport education.

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Although leadership investigation has become for the last years an election topic with major relevance on organizational studies and accepting peacefully the general idea that organizations are freeland for politics, all these acceptances run against a kind of “fear” from the academy scholars on approaching the political leaderships’ singularities on organizations. Indeed, when we cross over both phenomena we verify that the absence and weaknesses towards the unique characteristics of political leadership on work scenarios are becoming sharped regarding to their predictors, their workers and their organizations, even if we left aside its moderator variables.

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This article analyses the painted panels of the moliceiro boat, a traditional working boat of the Ria de Aveiro region of Portugal. The article examines how the painted panels have been invented and reinvented over time. The boat and its panels are contextualized both within the changing socio-economic conditions of the Ria de Aveiro region, and the changing socio-political conditions of Portugal throughout the 20th century and until the present day. The article historically analyses the social significance of ‘moliceiro culture’, examining in particular the power relations it expresses and its ambiguous past and present relationships with the political and the economic powers of the Portuguese state. The article unpacks some of the complexity of the relations that have pertained between public and private, local and national, folk culture and ‘art’, and popular and institutional in the Ria de Aveiro region in particular, and Portugal more generally.