Geochemical analysis of surface sediments along the Portuguese Margin

Twenty-nine surface samples from the Portuguese shelf, recovered offshore from the mouths of the Ave, Douro, Lis and Mira rivers, were analysed using ICP-OES for selected major and trace elements, after total dissolution. Organic carbon, carbonate content and grain size were also determined. Five evaluation tools have been applied in order to compare the three study areas and to evaluate sediment geochemistry and other sediment compositional variability in the acquired samples: (1) empirical methods based on comparison with standard reference criteria, e.g. the NOAA sediment quality guidelines, (2) normalisation ratios using a grain-size proxy element, (3) "Gradient Method", plotting contaminant vs. organic matter or Al, (4) definition of a regional geochemical baseline from a compiled database, and (5) enrichment factors. The evaluation of element and component associations indicates differences related both to the onshore drainage areas and to the environmental shelf setting. Despite the considerable variability in total metal contents indicated by our results, the sediment metal composition is largely of natural origin. Metal enrichments observed in the Mira area are associated with the drainage of mineralised areas rich in Cu, Pb, Zn, Fe and Mn. The near absence of human impact on shelf sediments, despite the vicinity to urban areas with high industrialisation levels, such as the Ave-Douro and Lis areas, is attributed to effective trapping in the estuaries and coastal zones, as well dilution with less contaminated sediments shelf sediments and removal with fine fractions due to grain-size sorting. The character of the contaminated sediments transported to these shelf areas is further influenced by grain-size sorting as well as by dilution with less contaminated marine sediments. The results obtained individually by the different methods complement each other and allow more specific interpretations.

Megnetic susceptibility of a subtropical South Atlantic transect

The Mid-Pleistocene transition (MPT) of the global climate system, initiated by a shift towards much larger northern hemisphere ice shields at around 920 ka and ending with predominance of 100 kyr ice age cyclicity since about 640 ka, is one of the fundamental enigmas in Quaternary climate evolution. Climate proxy records not exclusively linked to global ice volume are necessary to advance understanding of the MPT. Here we present a high-resolution Pleistocene magnetic susceptibility time series of 12 sediment cores from the subtropical South Atlantic essentially reflecting dissolution driven variations in carbonate accumulation controlled by changes in deep water circulation. In addition to characteristics known from delta18O records, the data sets reveal three remarkable features intimately related to the MPT: (1) an all-Pleistocene minimum of carbonate accumulation in the South Atlantic at 920 ka, (2) a MPT interim state of reduced carbonate deposition, indicating that the MPT period may have been a discrete state of the Pleistocene deep water circulation and climate system and (3) a terminal MPT event at around 540-530 ka documented in several peculiarities such as thick laminated layers of the giant diatom Ethmodiscus rex.

Locations of geochemical samples and tephra from ODP Site 181-1123

Approximately one thousand sediment samples from ODP Site 1123 on the Chatham Rise, east of New Zealand, have been examined for inorganic elemental concentrations. ODP 1123 provides a record of sediment drift deposition under the Deep Western Boundary Current, the main inflow of deep water to the Pacific Ocean since the Early Oligocene, though a major hiatus spans the late Early Oligocene to the Early Miocene. Normalisation of the elemental concentrations by aluminium was used to allow for the effects of variable carbonate dilution. The elemental ratios were used as proxies for sediment composition and as palaeoceanographic indices. The samples were collected at a resolution designed to sample adequately any variation in elemental ratios at the scale of the Milankovitch orbital cycles. The sampled intervals span the Early Oligocene, Early Miocene, mid-Miocene and Late Pleistocene to Recent. Anomalous Si/Al, K/Al, Ti/Al values in the upper Pleistocene section, often associated with horizons of low carbonate, are attributed to tephras derived from North Island. Not all of the tephras detected geochemically had been detected visually in the cores. A total of 37 tephra events between 1.17 Ma BP and the present are recognised based on this and the shipboard investigations. The tephra events cluster at intervals of approximately 326 000 years (326 ka) perhaps due to variations in eruption frequency on North Island and/or to variations in the regional palaeowind intensity and direction. In the Late Pleistocene to Recent P/Al (inferred nutrient availability), percent calcium carbonate (%CaCO3) and Ba/Al (inferred productivity) varied regularly at a period of 40 000 years with these factors lagging minimum global ice volumes (interglacials). During the mid-Miocene CaCO3, Ba/Al, P/Al and Si/Al all gradually increased with %CaCO3 and P/Al showing regular 138 000-yr cyclicity and Ba/Al showing 44-ka cyclicity. Inferred productivity (Ba/Al) may have been rising in association with increasing nutrient availability (P/Al) at the same time as increased vigour of the Deep Western Boundary Current that was connected to a period of rapid ice-sheet growth in Antarctica. In the Early Miocene P/Al and Si/Al were much higher than subsequently and both %CaCO3 and P/Al exhibited 131 000-yr cycles. By far the highest nutrient levels and inferred productivity at this site apparently occurred during the Early Oligocene as revealed by long-term changes in P/Al and Si/Al. A progressive rise in K/Al, but stable Ti/Al from the Early Oligocene to the Recent probably indicates increased proportions of illite in the clay mineral fraction of the drift sediments caused by increased flux of debris from the Southern Alps.

The Gaia-ESO Survey: processing FLAMES-UVES spectra

The Gaia-ESO Survey is a large public spectroscopic survey that aims to derive radial velocities and fundamental parameters of about 105 Milky Way stars in the field and in clusters. Observations are carried out with the multi-object optical spectrograph FLAMES, using simultaneously the medium-resolution (R ~ 20 000) GIRAFFE spectrograph and the high-resolution (R ~ 47 000) UVES spectrograph. In this paper we describe the methods and the software used for the data reduction, the derivation of the radial velocities, and the quality control of the FLAMES-UVES spectra. Data reduction has been performed using a workflow specifically developed for this project. This workflow runs the ESO public pipeline optimizing the data reduction for the Gaia-ESO Survey, automatically performs sky subtraction, barycentric correction and normalisation, and calculates radial velocities and a first guess of the rotational velocities. The quality control is performed using the output parameters from the ESO pipeline, by a visual inspection of the spectra and by the analysis of the signal-to-noise ratio of the spectra. Using the observations of the first 18 months, specifically targets observed multiple times at different epochs, stars observed with both GIRAFFE and UVES, and observations of radial velocity standards, we estimated the precision and the accuracy of the radial velocities. The statistical error on the radial velocities is σ ~ 0.4 km s-1 and is mainly due to uncertainties in the zero point of the wavelength calibration. However, we found a systematic bias with respect to the GIRAFFE spectra (~0.9 km s-1) and to the radial velocities of the standard stars (~0.5 km s-1) retrieved from the literature. This bias will be corrected in the future data releases, when a common zero point for all the set-ups and instruments used for the survey is be established.

Facilitated dialogue in the Balkans vindicates the EEAS. CEPS Commentary, 29 April 2013

As a result of EEAS-led facilitated dialogue, on April 19th the prime ministers of Serbia and Kosovo reached their first agreement on the principles governing the normalisation of relations. The agreement handed Catherine Ashton a diplomatic victory she badly needed and offered proof of the added value of the European External Action Service (EEAS) as a new EU foreign policy actor.

Étude du polymorphisme rs3846662 de l’HMGCR dans le cerveau et le système périphérique

Dans cette thèse, l’impact du polymorphisme rs3846662 sur l’épissage alternatif de la 3-hydroxy-3-méthylglutaryl coenzyme A réductase (HMGCR) a été investigué in vivo, chez des patients atteints d’hypercholestérolémie familiale (HF) ou de maladie d’Alzheimer (MA). Le premier manuscrit adresse la problématique de la normalisation de la quantification relative des ARNm par PCR quantitative. Les découvertes présentées dans ce manuscrit nous ont permis de déterminer avec un haut niveau de confiance les gènes de référence à utiliser pour la quantification relative des niveaux d’ARNm de l’HMGCR dans des échantillons de sang (troisième manuscrit) et de tissus cérébraux post-mortem (quatrième manuscrit). Dans le deuxième manuscrit, nous démontrons grâce à l’emploi de trois cohortes de patients distinctes, soit la population canadienne française du Québec et les deux populations nord américaines « Alzheimer’s Disease Cooperative Study (ADCS) » et « Alzheimer’s Disease Neuroimaging Initiative (ADNI) », que le génotype AA au locus rs3846662 confère à ces porteurs une protection considérable contre la MA. Les femmes porteuses de ce génotype voient leur risque de MA diminuer de près de 50% et l’âge d’apparition de leurs premiers symptômes retarder de 3.6 ans. Les porteurs de l’allèle à risque APOE4 voient pour leur part leurs niveaux de plaques séniles et dégénérescences neurofibrillaires diminuer significativement en présence du génotype AA. Enfin, les individus atteints de déficit cognitif léger et porteurs à la fois de l’allèle APOE4 et du génotype protecteur AA voient leur risque de convertir vers la MA chuter de 76 à 27%. Dans le troisième manuscrit, nous constatons que les individus atteints d’HF et porteurs du génotype AA ont, contrairement au modèle établi chez les gens normaux, des niveaux plus élevés de cholestérol total et de LDL-C avant traitement comparativement aux porteurs de l’allèle G. Le fait que cette association n’est observée que chez les non porteurs de l’APOE4 et que les femmes porteuses du génotype AA présentent à la fois une augmentation des niveaux d’ARNm totaux et une résistance aux traitements par statines, nous indique que ce génotype influencerait non seulement l’épissage alternatif, mais également la transcription de l’HMGCR. Comme une revue exhaustive de la littérature ne révèle aucune étude abondant dans ce sens, nos résultats suggèrent l’existence de joueurs encore inconnus qui viennent influencer la relation entre le génotype AA, l’épissage alternatif et les niveaux d’ARNm de l’HMGCR. Dans le quatrième manuscrit, l’absence d’associations entre le génotype AA et les niveaux d’ARNm Δ13 ou de protéines HMGCR nous suggère fortement que ce polymorphisme est non fonctionnel dans le SNC affecté par la MA. Une étude approfondie de la littérature nous a permis d’étayer cette hypothèse puisque les niveaux de HNRNPA1, la ribonucléoprotéine influencée par l’allèle au locus rs3846662, sont considérablement réduits dans la MA et le vieillissement. Il est donc proposé que les effets protecteurs contre la MA associés au génotype AA soient le résultat d’une action indirecte sur le processus physiopathologique.

Une ethnographie de la gestion de la population rom en Albanie

Cette thèse propose une ethnographie de la gestion de la population rom en Albanie, saisie sur deux périodes historiques : communisme et postcommunisme. L’analyse porte sur la façon dont divers instruments de gestion des populations en tant que techniques de pouvoir, sont mises en œuvre ; comment une population donnée devient-elle un sujet politique ? Quels sont les effets d’une telle gestion sur les populations en général et sur les populations roms en particulier ? Cette approche, une approche foucaldienne, replace ainsi au centre de l’analyse empirique les politiques, les pratiques et les discours concernant les Roms en Albanie et essaye de saisir les effets qu’ils produisent sur cette population. Cette thèse part de ces éléments pour interroger plus largement les transformations sociétales dans l’Albanie postcommuniste. Ce travail s’inscrit dans le champ de l’anthropologie politique et conjugue à la fois une anthropologie de l’État et une anthropologie de la violence. Il s’articule autour de trois parties. La première porte sur la contextualisation de cette thèse, du point de vue conceptuel, méthodologique et théorique. La deuxième partie propose une analyse des relations que l’État a entretenues avec les Roms pendant la période communiste, phase durant laquelle la population rom a été exposée à diverses mesures administratives visant sa normalisation, à travers une sédentarisation forcée et d’autres mesures coercitives. La troisième partie, précédée par un intermède sur la période de la transition, interroge la relation entre l’État, la violence, la mobilité et la gestion de la population rom en Albanie depuis la chute du communisme. L’analyse se fait à partir d’un cas spécifique, celui des familles roms déplacées et en déplacement aux alentours de Tirana ; une mobilité forcée notamment par peu d’opportunités de sortir de la précarité pour plusieurs familles roms, mais aussi une mobilité induite par les politiques, les pratiques et les discours étatiques, notamment par leur non-action. Au fur et à mesure que l’analyse des pratiques et des discours – complétée par une ethnographie des documents d’archives et dans les quartiers et les campements roms – s’approfondit pendant les deux périodes historiques, elle dévoile de nombreuses – mais différentes – contradictions et controverses au sein du dispositif, lesquelles produisent à leur tour discrimination, exclusion, violence, indifférence et abandon.

Reshaping politics of the left and centre in Greece after the 2014 EP election. EPIN Commentary No. 21/10 September 2014

The political landscape in Greece is confused and volatile at the moment; the right and extreme- right-wing parties are accorded a disproportionately large place in political debate, while the radical left-wing SYRIZA party is attempting to maintain a ‘leftist’ profile and demonstrate its capacity to govern through a strategy of image normalisation. These tensions make it very difficult for the Greek government to stick to the EU’s tough reform agenda. The governing coalition is trying to conceal the social effects of implementing structural policy reforms, even postponing some measures to avoid bearing their political cost. At the same time, it is adopting a very rushed, and thus quite worrying, attitude towards a fast-track growth agenda, without taking into consideration the conditions for sustainable economic development.

Armed conflicts in the post-Soviet region: Present situation, prospects for settlement, consequences. OSW Study 9/2003

Unresolved conflicts continue to smoulder in Transnistria, Chechnya, Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh and South Ossetia. "Para-states" have formed in most conflict-affected areas. These have grown to become permanent players in the region. In Chechnya, guerrilla fights continue in the wake of the Russian army's siege of the republic. The conflict in Tajikistan ended in 1997 and the normalisation process is currently under way. Each of these conflicts has entailed profound political, social, ethnic and economic changes, as well as affecting other spheres of life. Presently, it is impossible to return to the pre-conflict situation. The "para-states" have fortified their independence and are no longer controlled by the external powers on which they depended in the initial phases of the conflicts.

Kazakhstan: the regional success story; Tajikistan: a trial period; Uzbekistan: the major source of instability in Central Asia? OSW Study 15/2004

Kazakhstan: Kazakhstan can boast economic development like no other country in Central Asia. In contrast to other countries of the region, which have rich natural resources, Kazakhstan has managed to use its economic potential in a way that yields concrete benefits now and, at the same time, creates prospects for further sustainable economic growth. Tajikistan: Tajikistan in its present state has been built on the civil war experiences and provisions of the peace accords signed in 1997. These have had a great impact on the present form of the state, its political scene and power mechanisms. President Emomali Rakhmonov is the central figure in the state. The political system, which he has cocreated, is based on - unique in this region - political pluralism (the existence of the Islamic party), decentralisation (far-going independence of the regions and relatively limited potential of the central structures) and compromise as the basic way of resolving conflicts. Such a system has so far guaranteed stabilisation and normalisation of the country. Uzbekistan: With its geographic location, potential, ambitions and political priorities, Uzbekistan could play a leading role in Central Asia. The international community has perceived the country as the pillar of stability in the region. This perception was further reinforced after 11th September 2001 and was certainly among the factors that inspired the United States to start closer political and military cooperation with Tashkent. The administration in Washington had expected that closer contacts might galvanise political, economic and social change in Uzbekistan, thus reinforcing positive trends in other countries of the region as well. But the relations between Washington and Tashkent are in crisis (which the United States will certainly try to overcome), and we have seen rapprochement between Uzbekistan and Russia and China.

Systemic crisis in Alexander Lukashenko's regime. OSW Commentary No. 66, 2011-10-28

Measures undertaken by the Belarusian government in the areas of the economy, internal affairs and foreign policy in recent months have proven increasingly ineffective. Despite the deteriorating macroeconomic situation, Minsk is not implementing the reforms necessary to combat the crisis and its activity is limited only to feigned actions and administrative regulations. As a result, the economic situation is worsening but the chances of obtaining external loans as support, for example from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), are decreasing. At the same time there is mounting fear among the regime of social unrest, therefore by raising salaries of the least well-off groups of citizens it is trying to compensate for the increased costs of living. On the other hand, the government is extending the scope of control over society and competences of enforcement bodies. Belarus’s room for manoeuvre in foreign policy has also been diminishing substantially. Despite the EU’s declared willingness to reach an agreement and its encouragement, Lukashenko is not ready to make concessions in the political sphere (e.g. to rehabilitate political prisoners), and this is hindering the normalisation of relations with the West. Minsk furthermore feels a mounting pressure from Moscow, making the Belarusian negotiating position ever weaker. The lack of freedom of manoeuvre in foreign policy, no possibility to maintain a costly economic model and the lack of support from the majority of society all prove that Alexander Lukashenko’s regime is in severe crisis. The system he established is no longer able to respond to current threats with adequate and effective strategies. This situation is challenging the regime’s stability and calls into question its viability in the longer term.

The nuclear deal with Iran: Le moment suprême? CEPS Commentary, 16 July 2015

More than two years in the making, the agreement concluded by China, the EU, France, Germany, Russia, the UK and the US with Iran to prevent the ‘weaponisation’ of the latter’s nuclear programme is a big deal. But, cautions Steven Blockmans in this CEPS Commentary, it is not the silver bullet to the normalisation of relations. Implementation will be a tortuous process, fraught with suspicion and friction. Although Europe has been called upon to seize the moment and to shift to a relationship with Iran based on engagement, not containment, the EU and its member states would be better advised not to move beyond their nuclear focus too quickly, but rather to show a sense of duty and loyal cooperation with their international partners by supporting the effective execution of the accord.

EU-Iran Relations after the Nuclear Deal.

The signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action between Iran and global powers in July 2015 was a major turning point in the emerging strategic landscape of the Middle East. The ‘nuclear deal’ led to the lifting by the EU and the US of nuclear-related sanctions, and is now operational. Other sanctions remain in place, however. Nevertheless, unhindered by US competition, European trade delegations have entered into a latter-day gold rush, led by the promise of the biggest untapped market in the world. As such, the EU has both an opportunity and a responsibility to help Iran reintegrate properly into the international system. But, in the face of an opaque clerical regime that relies on internal repression and military business conglomerates, Europe stands to lose if it continues to pursue its uncalculated and uncoordinated approach towards the Islamic Republic. This report offers recommendations to guide the EU towards a comprehensive EU strategy for relations with Iran. It maintains that there is no other option but to keep universal values and the rule of law at the core of the emerging bilateral relationship. In fact, the protection of the economic rights of European traders and investors allows the EU to push for wider reforms and the normalisation of relations.

Hostages to dialogue. The process of normalising Serbian-Kosovar relations. OSW COMMENTARY No. 214, 2016-06-08

In March 2011, the governments of Kosovo and Serbia started a dialogue that was intended to lead to the normalisation of mutual relations. This process, launched under the pressure of the EU, was aimed at building up confidence between the parties and resolving the everyday problems of the Serbian and Albanian communities, and as a consequence, reducing tension in the Western Balkans. The start of talks between representatives of the antagonist countries was the breakthrough that led to the Kosovo government gaining control over the whole of its territory, the establishment of a border (or ‘administrative boundary line’, as Belgrade calls it), and the start of the process of subordinating the Kosovo Serbian institutions to the authorities in Prishtina. Serbia also lifted its trade blockade on Kosovo, and allowed Prishtina to join the regional organisations. As a result, progress has been made in the process of integration of both states with the EU: Serbia has started accession negotiations, and Kosovo has signed a Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA).